Antebellum judges played crucial roles in resolving conflicts between slaveowners and common-carrier owners. Because courts could easily quantify the value of a slave's life, they were quicker to compensate slaveowners for slaves injured or killed by a common carrier than to award damages to an injured free person or his estate. Yet judges also had to craft rules governing the behavior of the slave property itself. By the 1860s, Southern courts had established law that encouraged parties with legal standing to act efficiently. Strikingly, tort doctrines developed in slave cases foreshadowed the evolution of law for free accident victims.

Is it possible for an underdeveloped area to construct democratic parliamentary organs as the means of allocating central political authority in a society, simultaneously widi the pursuit of rapid economic development? This is what we shall examine in the following discussion. That the problem is of significance can perhaps readily be conceded. It has implications for the colonial policy of those Western nations that still have large territorial holdings in many diverse parts of the globe. It assumes more crucial significance as colonial empires disintegrate under the combined pressures of economic and political demands by nationalists and as competing ideologies find service in the cause of independence.

My thesis is a study of finance and industrialization in Italy between 1894 and 1914. Alexander Gerschenkron has argued that the years between 1896 and 1908 in Italy were the years of her “big spurt,” basing his analysis largely on an index of industrial production which he prepared for the period 1881-1913. In many cases the value of output was estimated by the value of inputs; in these instances, value added by industry was understated. In a number of instances the data problems were such that the estimates were very crude approximations of actual production. Nevertheless, when these indexes are combined with other available data on Italian industrial development, the years 1894-1914 stand out as the period during which the nation created her industrial base; only the expansion of the post-World War II years exceeded the growth rates achieved during this period.

During the past twenty-five years American economic historians have made substantial progress in improving the quantitative measures of the nation's economic performance in the nineteenth century. Using New Hampshire as a case study, this paper attempts to build on this earlier research in the area of late-nineteenth-century American agriculture; the primary focus is on Richard Easterlin's estimates of state and regional income. The research reported here suggests that Easterlin's estimates need to be revised on the basis of state-level analysis and that in their present form his figures may lead to erroneous conclusions about the regional distribution of service income in late-nineteenth-century America.

Economic growth occurs when individuals of a society engage in productive, positive-sum games. Conventional measures of growth, however, include measures of positive- and negative-sum games. This paper establishes a framework for distinguishing between productive (positive-sum) and transfer (negative-sum) activity. The role of the Constitution in promoting productive activity is discussed.

On August 26, 1935, delegates from sixty-five American Federationof Labor locals in the automobile industry gathered in Detroit to launch the International Union, United Automobile Workers of America. Although many of the delegates thought that the A.F. of L. had unnecessarily delayed the convocation of this convention, they were no doubt mindful of the fact that an international was being formed in an industry where only a little more than two years previously unionism had been conspicuous primarily because of its absence.

This study, based on primary sources, shows that the army's role in the wartime mobilization of the industry was fundamental and extensive. It determined aircraft prices and labor exemptions, regulated the industry's supply of credit and raw materials, limited patent rights, and ultimately interfered in management-labor relationships. Its policies resulted in the industry's expansion and concentration and in above average real wages for the industry's labor force. The article concludes that while the mobilization of the aircraft industry was successful, military regulation of the German war economy in World War I was generally inefficient.

Mr. Williamson's comments on my article leave the issue between us ambiguous. I welcome this opportunity further to develop my own views regarding the turbulent period of the 1830's and early 1840's.

First of all, I believe that Williamson has overstated his case in attributing to me disregard of the importance of internal events in the United States. I advanced the hypothesis that the primary disturbing factor in the period 1834–1845 was an increase, and then a decrease, in the flow of funds into the United States, and the problem I wished to examine was the response in the American economy to this initial disturbance. As indicated in my article, the emphasis placed on external factors does not mean that internal events in the United States were negligible.