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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 January 2017
Constantine's endorsement of and support for the Church left their marks in certain areas. His nephew Julian reacted against state-supported Christianity and promoted his own unique version of state-supported paganism. Previous scholarship had identified this as a ‘pagan Church’ co-opting features from Christianity, but this view has recently been challenged. This article argues that the traditional understanding of a ‘pagan Church’ is correct, and that it drew specifically upon some features of the Constantinian Church in the areas of theological content, leadership and symbols.
1 I realise the limitations of the term ‘paganism’, but believe that it is the least poor description of the diverse group referred to. See the careful discussion in Cameron, Alan, The last pagans of Rome, New York 2011, 14–32 Google Scholar.
2 Koch, W., ‘Comment l'empereur Julien tâcha de fonder une église païenne’, Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire vi (1927), 123–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar; vii (1928), 49–82, 511–50, 1363–8.
3 Nicholson, Oliver, ‘The “pagan Churches” of Maximinus Daia and Julian the Apostate’, this Journal xlv (1994), 1–10 Google Scholar.
4 For example Sozomen, Historia ecclesiastica v.16. They also may have portrayed Julian's reign in light of an apology for their own era, influenced by Theodosius’ anti-pagan response, but this is outside the scope of this article.
5 Peter Van Nuffelen, ‘Deux Fausses Lettres de Julien l'Apostat (la lettre aux Juifs, ep. 51 [Wright], et la letter à Arsacius, ep. 84 [Bidez])’, Vigiliae Christianae lvi (2002), 131–50. Ep. lxxxiva is treated as genuine by its previous editors Wilmer Wright, Joseph Bidez and Franz Cumont.
6 Elm, Susanna, Sons of Hellenism, Fathers of the Church: Emperor Julian, Gregory of Nazianzus, and the vision of Rome, Berkeley–Los Angeles 2012, 326 Google Scholar.
7 Ibid. 326. Elm shares this view with Mazza, Mario, ‘Giuliano: o, Dell'utopia religiosa: il tentative di fondare una chiesa pagana?’, Rudiae x (1998), 17–42 Google Scholar. I believe that this view fails to acknowledge the emperor's encouragement of violence by third parties, as revealed in Julian, Oratio xii.357c, as well as the extent of Julian's persecution demonstrated by Brennecke, Hans Christof, Studien zur Geschichte der Homöer: der Osten bis zum Ende der homöischen Reichskirche, Tubingen 1988, 87–157 Google Scholar.
8 Nesselrath, Theresa, Kaiser Julian und die Repaganisierung des Reiches: Konzept und Vorbilder, Munster 2013, 189 Google Scholar.
9 This included his father, Julius Constantius, an elder half-brother, his uncle Flavius Dalmatius, and his cousins Flavius Dalmatius and Flavius Hannibalianus.
10 Burgess, Richard W., ‘The summer of blood: the “Great Massacre” of 337 and the promotion of the sons of Constantine’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers lxii (2008), 5–51 Google Scholar.
11 Julian, epp. cvi, cvi; Ammianus xxii.9.4. However, we do not know the extent to which these individuals were involved in actually teaching him.
12 Socrates Scholasticus, Historia ecclesiastica iii.1.
13 Smulders, P., Hilary of Poitiers’ preface to his Opus historicum: translation and commentary, Leiden 1995, 131 Google Scholar; Beckwith, C. L., ‘The condemnation and exile of Hilary of Poitiers at the Synod of Béziers (356 ce)’, Journal of Early Christian Studies xiii (2005), 34–5Google Scholar.
14 Julian's statement on this places his commitment in 351: ep. cxi.434cd; cf. Libanius, Oratio xviii.18.
15 Scholars have reconstructed the series of events, which included Julian's address to his Gallic troops informing them of Constantius' order to transfer them to the East, his summoning his officers to dinner, from where they emerged equipped to spread leaflets and dissent, resulting in the ostensibly spontaneous acclamation of Julian: Libanius, Oratio xviii.97; Ammianus xx.4.12–22; Zosimus iii.9; cf. Müller-Seidl, I., ‘Die Usurpation Julians des Abtrünnigen im Lichte seiner Germanen–politik’, Historische Zeitschrift clxxx (1955), 225–44Google Scholar; Rosen, Klaus, ‘Beobachtungen zur Ehrebung Julians, 360–361 n. Chr.’, Acta Classica xii (1969), 121–49Google Scholar; Bowersock, Glen W., Julian the Apostate, Cambridge, Ma 1978, 47–52 Google Scholar.
16 Julian, Oratio v.271b–d.
17 Ibid. vii.230c, 232c. In the myth, Julian is merely ‘the youth’, but all commentators realise the emperor's identification of himself: cf. L‘Empereur Julien: oeuvres complètes, ed. and trans. Rochefort, Gabriel, ii/1, Paris 1963, 76 Google Scholar; Athanassiadi-Fowden, Polymnia, Julian and Hellenism: an intellectual biography, Oxford 1981, 172 Google Scholar.
18 Julian, ‘καθαίρειν ἐκεῖνα πάντα τὰ ἀσεβήματα’: Oratio vii.231d.
19 Idem, ‘τὴν προγονικὴν οἰκίαν’: ibid. vii.234c. Compare with Constantine's house-cleaning mission in Eusebius, Vita Constantini ii.55.2. In regard to Julian's response to Constantine's building programme see Greenwood, D. N., ‘Pollution wars: consecration and desecration from Constantine to Julian’, in Vinzent, Markus (ed.), Studia Patristica, LXII: Papers presented at the Sixteenth International Conference on Patristic Studies held in Oxford 2011, Leuven 2013, 289–96Google Scholar.
20 Van Nuffelen, ‘Deux Fausses Lettres’, 136–50.
21 Bouffartigue, Jean, ‘L'Authenticité de la lettre 84 de l'empereur Julian’, Revue de philologie, de littérature et d'histoire anciennes lxxix (2005), 231–42Google Scholar.
22 Julian, Oratio xi.152d–153a.
23 Idem, ep. xcviii.400c.
24 Idem, Contra Galilaeos 356c.
25 Gregory Nazianzen, Oratio iv.111.
26 Julian, epp. lxxxix.302d–303b; lxxxiva.431c.
27 Idem, epp. lxxxix.289b–292d; lxxxiva.430c–431b.
28 Ammianus xxii.9.5.
29 Julian, ep. lxxxiva.429d–430a. The text of Julian's epistle is from Iuliani epistulae leges poemata fragmenta varia, ed. Joseph Bidez and Franz Cumont, Oxford–Paris 1922; the translation is my own.
30 Nesselrath, Kaiser Julian, 171–5, 184.
31 In addition to Koch, ‘Comment l'empereur’, see Downey, Glanville, ‘Philanthropia in religion and statecraft in the fourth century after Christ’, Historia iv (1955), 199–208 Google Scholar.
32 ‘Jugend … christlichen Praegung’: Nesselrath, Kaiser Julian, 135.
33 Julian, ep. lxxxixa.453a; cf. 1 Timothy iii.
34 Julian, ep. lxxxixa.453b; Browning, Robert, The Emperor Julian, London 1975, 177 Google Scholar.
35 Julian, ep. lxxxixb.293a, 296b, 300c.
36 Idem, ep. lxxxixb.293d.
37 Tertullian, De oratione xxv; cf. Acts ii.25; x.9; iii.1.
38 Hippolytus, Traditio apostolica xxxvi.2–6; cf. Mark xv.25; Luke xxiii.44; John xix.34.
39 Koch, ‘Comment l'empereur’, 49.
40 1 Tim. vi.11; Julian, epp. lxxxixb.299b, 300c; lxxxiva.
41 1 Tim. iv.13; 2 Tim. iv.2; Titus i.9; Julian, ep. lxxxixb.289a.
42 Titus i.8; 1 Tim. vi.11; Julian, ep. lxxxixa.
43 1 Tim. iii.2; Titus i.8; Julian, epp. xxii; xx; lxxxixb.289b; lxxxiva.430bc; lxxxixb.291bc.
44 Koch, ‘Comment l'empereur’, 81; cf. Bringmann, Klaus, Kaiser Julian: der letzte heidnische Herrscher, Darmstadt 2004, 130 Google Scholar; Simons, Benedikt, ‘Kaiser Julian, Stellvertreter des Helios auf Erden’, Gymnasium cxviii (2011), 501–2Google Scholar.
45 David Hunt, E., ‘The Christian context of Julian's Against the Galileans ’, in Baker-Brian, Nicholas and Tougher, Shaun (eds), Emperor and author: the writings of Julian the Apostate, Swansea 2012, 254, 259Google Scholar.
46 Julian, Oratio vii.219d–220a; cf. Greenwood, D. N., ‘Crafting divine personae in Julian's Oration 7’, Classical Philology cix/2 (2014), 140–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar. These parallels are also recognised by others, for example Rochefort, L‘Empereur Julien, ii/1, 63; L‘Empereur Julien: oeuvres complètes, ed. and trans. Christian Lacombrade, ii/2, Paris 1964, 131; and Nesselrath, Heinz-Günther, ‘Mit “Waffen” Platons gegen ein christliches Imperium: der Mythos in Julians Schrift Gegen den Kyniker Herakleios ’, in Schafer, Christian (ed.), Kaiser Julian ‘Apostata’ und die philosophische Reaktion gegen das Christentum, Berlin 2008, 213–14Google Scholar.
47 Julian, Oratio xi.144b; Contra Galilaeos 200ab. This is also briefly noted by Lacombrade. L‘Empereur Julien, ii/2, 131, and Bouffartigue, Jean, L'Empereur Julien et la culture de son temps, Paris 1995, 649 Google Scholar. See now Greenwood, D. N., ‘Julian's use of Asclepius against the Christians’, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology cix (2017), forthcomingGoogle Scholar.
48 Nicholson, ‘Pagan churches’, 1–10.
49 Nesselrath, Kaiser Julian, 101.
50 Barnes, Constantine, 10.
51 Panegyrici Latini vi.1.5–2.5.
52 Vita Constantini ii.64–5; Eusebius, Life of Constantine, trans. Averil Cameron and Stuart Hall, Oxford–New York 1999. Unless otherwise stated all citations are to this edition. For dating see Barnes, Timothy D., Constantine: dynasty, religion and power in the later Roman Empire, Oxford 2011, 120 Google Scholar.
53 Eusebius, Vita Constantini ii.55.1–2.
54 Mango, Cyril, ‘Constantine's mausoleum and the translation of relics’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift lxxxiii (1990), 58–9Google Scholar.
55 Eusebius, Vita Constantini iv.60; Jerome, Chronicon 322d, s.a. 356; Philostratus ii.2; Chronicon Paschale 542; Dagron, Gilbert, Naissance d'une capitale: Constantinople et ses institutions de 330 a 451, 2nd edn, Paris 1984, 405 Google Scholar.
56 Otto Seeck, Regesten der Kaiser and Päpste für die Jahre 311 bis 476 n. Chr, Stuttgart 1919, 202–3. Timothy's remains were transported to the mausoleum on 1 June 356 and those of Andrew and Luke on 3 March 357.
57 Mango, ‘Constantine's mausoleum’, 58. According to a tradition preserved by the fourteenth-century historian Nicephorus Callistus the structure was built over the site of an altar of twelve gods of the pagan pantheon: Historia ecclesiastica viii.55, PG cxlvi.220.
58 It is important to note that those supervising Julian's education, Eusebius of Nicomedia and George of Cappadocia, were both associated closely with Eusebius, and that Julian knew Eusebius’ writings well enough to cite him as ‘the wretched Eusebius’: Contra Galileos 222a, citing Eusebius, Preparatio evangelica xi.5.5. Bouffartigue has demonstrated the extent of Julian's ‘direct consultation’ of the Praeparatio Evangelica in his own Contra Galilaeos: L'Empereur Julien, 385–6.
59 Eusebius, Vita Constantini. i.12.1, 39.1; cf. Cameron, Averil, Christianity and the rhetoric of empire: the development of Christian discourse, Berkeley 1991, 55 Google Scholar; and ‘Eusebius’ Vita Constantini and the construction of Constantine’, in Edwards, Mark and Swain, Scott (eds), Portraits: biographical representation in the Greek and Latin literature of the Roman Empire, Oxford 1997, 158–63Google Scholar; Eusebius, Life of Constantine, 42.
60 Eusebius, Vita Constantini i.3.17.
61 Ibid. i.12.1, 20.2; ii.12.1; cf. Cameron, ‘Eusebius’ Vita Constantini’, 158.
62 Eusebius, Demonstratio evangelica iii.2.6–7.
63 Idem, Vita Constantini i.3.4, 5.1.
64 Ibid. ii.64–5, 55.1; cf. De laudibus vi.21.
65 Idem, Vita Constantini ii.55.2.
66 Idem, De laudibus x, xviii.
67 Idem, Vita Constantini iv.24. Constantine declared himself the ἐπίσκοπος, ‘bishop’ or ‘overseer’, of those outside the Church, although both the sense and the off-hand context indicate that he was not establishing himself as its functional head, and may have been reassuring bishops that he would not encroach upon their jurisdiction.
68 Setton, Kenneth, Christian attitude towards the emperor in the fourth century, especially as shown in addresses to the emperor, New York 1941, 47–8Google Scholar.
69 Eusebius, De laudibus ii.2–5; cf. Drake, H. A., ‘When was the “De laudibus Constantini” delivered?’, Historia xxiv (1975), 345–56Google Scholar; Eusebius, In praise of Constantine: a historical study and new translation of Eusebius’ Tricennial orations, trans. Drake, H. A., Berkeley 1976, 31–8, 81Google Scholar; Barnes, Timothy D., Constantine and Eusebius, Cambridge, Ma 1981, 253–5Google Scholar.
70 ἄνω βλέπων κατὰ τὴν ἀρχέτυπον ἰδέαν τοὺς κάτω διακυβερνῶν ἰθύνει: Eusebius, De laudibus iii.5.
71 Eusebius, In praise of Constantine, 75; Cameron, Christianity and the rhetoric of empire, 56.
72 Eusebius, De laudibus ii.2.
73 Ibid. ii.3.
74 Ibid. ii.4.
75 Ibid. ii.5.
76 Shepherd: Eusebius, De laudibus ii.3; cf. ii.5; John x; charioteer: De laudibus iii.4; vi.9; prefect: De laudibus vii.13. Note the parallel to Julian as the new ἐπίτροπον or ‘steward’ of the gods from Oratio vii.232c.
77 Alan Cameron argues convincingly that Constantine retained the title: ‘The imperial pontifex’, Harvard Studies in Classical Philology xiii (2007), 341–3.
78 Liddell, H., Scott, R., Jones, H. and McKenzie, R., A Greek-English Lexicon, 9th edition, with a revised supplement, New York 1995, 252 Google Scholar, s.v. ἀρχιεράομαι.
79 Julian, ep. lxxxixb.298c (Wright edn); cf. epp. xvii, lvii.
80 Julian, ep. x.
81 Browning, Emperor Julian, 178; Simons, ‘Kaiser Julian’, 501.
82 Julian, epp. xxvi.415cd; xxviii.382c; Libanius, Oratio xii. 87; Ammianus xv.4.17; Gregory Nazianzen, Oratio iv.77.
83 Julian, Oratio vii.229c–233d ; cf. Matt. iv.1–10; Greenwood, D. N., ‘A pagan emperor's appropriation of Matthew's Gospel’, Expository Times cxxv (Sept. 2014), 593–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
84 Julian, Oratio vii.229c–230a, 230cd; cf. Greenwood, ‘Crafting divine personae’, 142–5.
85 Heracles: Libanius, Oratio xii.28; xv.36; Asclepius: Libanius, Oratio xiii.42, 47; xv.69; xvii.36; Son of Helios: Himerius, Orationes xli.8; Libanius, Oratio xiii.47; Eunapius, Fragments 28.4; 28.5; 28.6, in Blockley, R. C., The fragmentary classicising historians of the later Roman Empire, ii, Liverpool 1983 Google Scholar. Athanassiadi-Fowden notes that ‘his panegyricists had not ceased to proclaim in him Asclepios incarnate, greeting him as the superhuman healer who had come to resurrect not just one man, but the whole oikoumene’: Julian and Hellenism, 168.
86 Eusebius, Vita Constantini iii.3.1–3; cf. Mango, Cyril, The brazen house: a study of the vestibule of the imperial palace of Constantinople, Copenhagen 1959, 22–4Google Scholar. There was coinage with the same imagery: Bruun, Patrick M., The Roman imperial coinage, VII: Constantine and Licinius, A. D. 313–337, London 1966 Google Scholar. Constantinople, no. 19.
87 The interpretation of Constantine's tomb surrounded by twelve apostolic tombs that equated Constantine with Christ may have occurred to Julian, although I agree with Barnes (Constantine, 129) that it was more likely to have been Constantine's iconographic claim to apostolic status.
88 Eusebius, Vita Constantini iii.2–3; cf. Bardill, Jonathan, Constantine, divine emperor of the Christian Golden Age, Cambridge 2011, 338–96Google Scholar. Bardill argues, from Constantine's building programme, that the emperor was equating himself with Christ, particularly referencing the Church of the Holy Apostles and the palace tableau with Constantine piercing the serpent with the labarum.
89 Eusebius, Vita Constantini iii.48.1.
90 Ibid. iii.49.
91 Eusebius, Life of Constantine, 299.
92 Hunt, E. David, ‘Julian’, in Cameron, A. and Garnsey, P. (eds), The Cambridge ancient history, XIII: The late Empire A. D. 337–425, Cambridge 1998, 62 Google Scholar.
93 Julian, Oratio xi.130c, 94: Athanassiadi-Fowden, Polymnia, ‘A contribution to Mithraic theology: the Emperor Julian's hymn to King Helios’, JTS xviii (1977), 362 Google Scholar.
94 Libanius, Oratio xviii.127, cf. Oratio xii.80–1 (Norman edn). Bidez (Vie, 219) describes Julian as ‘le grand maître des conventicules mithraiques’, although Robert Turcan holds that Julian's thoroughgoing Mithraism is only ‘une extrapolation des historiens modernes’: Mithras Platonicus: recherches sur l'hellénisation philosophique de Mithra, Leiden 1975, 128 Google Scholar.
95 Julian, Oratio vii.231d.
96 Barnes, Timothy D., ‘Himerius and the fourth century’, Classical Philology lxxxii (1987), 221 Google Scholar.
97 Barnes dates Himerius’ Oratio xli to December 361: ibid. 224.
98 Himerius, man and the word: the Orations of Himerius, trans. Penella, Robert J., Berkeley 2007, 35 Google Scholar.
99 Himerius, Oratio xli.1, ibid. = Oratio xli.2–8, in Himerii declamationes et orationes cum deperditarum fragmentis, ed. Aristides Colonna, Rome 1951; cf. Athanassiadi, ‘A contribution to Mithraic theology’, 362.
100 Himerius, Oratio xli.8 (Penella edn) = Himerius, Oratio xli.84–9 (Colonna edn).
101 Nazianzen, Gregory, Oratio iv.52, in Julian the emperor: containing Gregory Nazianzen's two invectives and Libanius' Monody with Julian's extant theosophical works, trans King, C. W., London, 1888 Google Scholar. This reference to inside knowledge might seem hyperbolic, were it not for Gregory Nazianzen's younger brother Caesarius being Julian's ἀρχιατρός or senior court physician: Gregory Nazianzen, Oratio vii.9.
102 Eusebius, Vita Constantini i.19; cf. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 41–2, 55.
103 Averil Cameron, ‘The reign of Constantine, ad 306–337’, in Cameron and Garnsey, Cambridge ancient history, xiii. 100.
104 Cyril of Jerusalem, Catechesis xiii.28; cf. Walker, Peter, Holy city, holy places? Christian attitudes to Jerusalem and the Holy Land in the fourth century, Oxford 1990, 236 Google Scholar. The significance is recognised by Bardill, who writes that there is ‘little doubt that this project held great symbolic power for the emperor’: Constantine, divine emperor, 256.
105 Eusebius, Vita Constantini iii.26.
106 Ibid. iii.25, 29.
107 Ibid. iii.25, 27.
108 Ibid. iv.43; Eusebius, In praise of Constantine (Drake edn), 42–3. The actual date for the Tricennalia should have been July 335, but the celebration was possibly delayed in order to get bishops there as participants.
109 Krautheimer, Richard and Ćurčić, Slobodan, Early Christian and Byzantine architecture, 4th edn, New Haven 1986, 63 Google Scholar.
110 Eusebius, Vita Constantini iii.40.
111 Dagron, Naissance d'une capitale, 389.
112 Eusebius, De laudibus ix.16.
113 Idem, Vita Constantini iii.33.1–2; cf. Revelation xxi.1–3.
114 Eusebius, Life of Constantine, 285.
115 Sozomen, Historia ecclesiastica v.12.
116 Intent: Julian, Oratio vii.228bc, 234c; ep. ix.415cd; Laws: Historia acephala ix (4 Feb. 362); Codex Theodosianus xv.1.3 (29 June 362); cf. Libanius, Oratio xviii.126; Greenwood, ‘Pollution wars’, 289–96.
117 ὑμεῖς δὲ οἱ τὴν καινὴν θυσίαν εὑρόντες, οὐδὲν δεόμενοι τῆς Ἱερουσαλήμ, ἀντὶ τίνος οὐ θύετε: Julian, Contra Galilaeos 306a (translation mine).
118 Ibid. 351d, 324cd.
119 Ephrem, i.5.3; vii.3; x.1.
120 Barnes, Timothy D., ‘New Year 363 in Ammianus Marcellinus: annalistic technique and historical apologetics’, in den Boeft, J., den Hengst, D. and Teitler, H. C. (eds), Cognitio gestorum: the historiographic art of Ammianus Marcellinus, Amsterdam 1992, 4 Google Scholar.
121 Mazar, Benjamin, The excavations in the Old City of Jerusalem near the Temple Mount: preliminary report of the second and third sessions, 1969–1970, Jerusalem 1971, 23, 94Google Scholar.
122 Ibid. 22.
123 Ammianus xxiii.1.2–3, 2.6; cf. Zosimus iii.12.1; Bowersock, Julian the Apostate, 6.
124 Ammianus xxii.9.14; xxiii.2.6.
125 Drijvers, Jan, Cyril of Jerusalem: bishop and city, Leiden 2004, 133 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
126 Simmons, Michael Bland, ‘The emperor Julian's order to rebuild the Temple in Jerusalem: a connection with oracles?’, Ancient Near Eastern Studies xliii (2006), 68–117 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
127 Mark xiii.2.
128 Justin, 1 Apology xlvii.5–6; Dialogue with Trypho lxxx.
129 Eusebius, Vita Constantini iii.33.1.
130 Athanasius, De incarnatione xl.12–24, 49–55. Scholars agree that Contra gentes/De incarnatione is Athanasius’ first work, but it may plausibly date from between the Arian controversy in 323 and 335: Athanasius, Contra gentes and De incarnatione, ed. Robert Thomson, Oxford 1971, p. xxi.
131 Rufinus x.38.
132 For example, Jerome, Commentary on Daniel ix.24; cf. Wilken, Robert, John Chrysostom and the Jews: rhetoric and reality in the late 4th century, Berkeley 1983, 137 Google Scholar.
133 Johannes Hahn holds that Julian's religio-political programme had ‘failed miserably in his lifetime’ and ascribes the incongruously livid Christian response in part to an awareness that the Jerusalem project struck at a point that could bring the whole enterprise down, a ‘death blow’ for Christianity: ‘Kaiser Julian und ein dritter Tempel? Idee, Wirklichkeit und Wirkung eines gescheiterten Projektes’, in Hahn, J. (ed.), Zerstorungen des Jerusalemer Tempels: Geschehen – Wahrnehmung – Bewaltigung, Tübingen 2002, 257–8Google Scholar.
134 Eusebius, Vita Constantini i.3.17; Julian, Orationes vii.232c; x.336c.
135 Eusebius, Vita Constantini i.12.1; ii.12.1; Julian, Oratio vii.232c.
136 Eusebius, Vita Constantini ii.28.2; 55.1; 64–5; iv.9; De laudibus vi.21; Julian, Orationes vii.234c, 231d.
137 Eusebius, Vita Constantini ii.12.1; Julian, ep. lxxxviii.451b.
138 Julian, ep.. lxxxiva.429d–430a.
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