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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2009
The Anteimoro, last of the overseas migrants to settle in Madagascar, conclude the essential formation of the Malagasy people. From genealogies and early European accounts, it is estimated that two initial contingents of the Anteimoro reached Madagascar around 1490 and settled at Matitana by 1512. The last and final one arrived by 1540. As a group, the Anteimoro were able to impose their own political and social structure on the tompontany of Matitana. Through intermarriage, the Anteimoro adopted the Malagasy language while moving toward endogamy to preserve their distinct identity as well as aristocratic position.
Alone in Madagascar, the Anteimoro developed a scribal tradition, manifested in countless Arabico-Malagasy Sora-bé manuscripts. One appears to antedate the 1600s, most were composed in the nineteenth century, but some are undoubtedly copies of earlier Sora-bé. An old Anteimoro vocabulary reveals a much higher percentage of Arabic words than are found today. While Islam is now extremely diluted among them, due to the complete isolation of the Anteimoro, there is no doubt that they were once zealotic Muslims.
The problem of their origin, explored by Grandidier, Ferrand and Julien, has been suspended between Arabia and the Swahili coast. Neither can be accepted. At least one genealogy shows a ‘pause’ of ten generations between the great ancestor of the Anteimoro in Madagascar and the last descendant of a line that had fled from Arabia. While there is no plausible alternative for this ‘pause’ other than Africa, the Swahili coast must be discounted in the absence of any architecture among the Anteimoro and of Swahili loan-words, phonemes and calligraphy. Attempts to see the etymon of Anteimoro (phon. temūrū) as Malagasy or as Swahili ‘Mahūrū’ (slaves) are also unsatisfactory. Imperfect as it may be, partial evidence points to Temur, a people of eastern or southern Ethiopia who vanished locally in the fifteenth century. It is also suggested that there were connexions with the Qadiriyya tarika, which Anteirnoro religious specialists sought to extend into Madagascar without success.
1 Various spellings have appeared in print besides the prevalent Anteimoro, namely Antaimoro, Antaimorona and Anteimahuri. The prefix Ant and the infix I mean simply ‘people of’ in Malagasy. Morona stands for ‘coast’ in Malagasy (Antaimorona = people of the coast). Flacourt mentions Imours in 1661 but this does not accord with anything concerning the Anteimoro. Rather, early European accounts mention them as Matitanais or Matitanais, from the river Matitana (mati = dead + tana = hand, so named because the river dried up in one area), centre of early Anteimoro settlement. There is no connexion between Imours and ‘Moors’, while the morona and mahuri etymologies remain unsatisfactory. For a discussion of mahuri, see note 84 below and text.
2 Gaudebout, Cf. P., and Vernier, E., ‘Notes sur une campagne de fouilles à Vohémar’, Bulletin de l'Académie Malgache, XXIV (1941), 91–114.Google Scholar
3 Cf. ‘Vente le 22 Août 1732 par S. M. Adrian Baba, Roy de Seclaves, de l'Ile Morotte à la Compagnie des Indes’, copy in BibliothèqueGrandidier, Tananarive–Tsimbazaza. Original is in French with Arabic signatures, certified by Bellier on 26 May 1750 and deposited in the Réunion Archives at St-Denis, Fonda de la Compagnie des Indes, serie Co.
4 Ferrand, G., Les Musulmans à Madagascar et aux Iles Comores, I (1891), 16 and ii (preface).Google Scholar
5 It is impossible to estimate how many exist in various public and private libraries, but there must be more than 100. As recently as 1965 the Sora-bé were still turning up in such divergent places as Stavanger, Norway, and Ambositra, a Betsileo township in central Madagascar. Professor Faublée is currently translating those from Ambositra. It is believed that the Vatican and several German archives harbour an undetermined number of the Sora-bé as well. The Académie Malgache has a fine collection.
6 Acquired probably between 1600 and 1650, as it contains an interlinear Latin translation of the period. Jacquet, Cf. E., ‘Mélanges malays, javanais et polynésiens’, Journal Asiatique, 1st series, XII, no. 3 (1833), 100;Google ScholarFerrand, G., ‘L'Elément Arabe et Souahili en Malgache ancien et moderne’, JA, 2nd series, II, no. 3 (1903), 451–2Google Scholar and note and his ‘Texte Arabico-Malgache du XVIe siècle’, Notices et extraits des Mss. de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris), XXXVIII, no. 2 (1906), 450–576.Google Scholar
7 This sequence is revealed in two ancient Sora-bé purchased by Alfred Grandidier at Vatomasina and Mahasoa, Ca. 1870, namely nos. i and 2 of the Bibliothèque Grandidier-Paris. They remain to be dated but no. 2 relates events up to 1664. The oldest MSS in this library, no. 3, ‘extremely old and worn out’, does not contain any historical data. Grandidier, Cf. G., Bibliographie de Madagascar, I, no. 2 (1906), 729.Google Scholar
8 Mondain, G., ‘Complément à la note sur l'emploi de l'écriture Arabico-Malgache’, BAM, VI (1922–1923), 85–9.Google Scholar
9 The more important ones are: (a) Mondain, G., L'Histoire des Tribus de l'Imoro au XVII’ siècle d'après un manuscrit Arabico-Malgache (Paris, 1910).Google Scholar It consists actually of three MSS, designated as A, B and C, Arabico-Malagasy texts, annotations and comments by Mondain. The MS A was originally sent by Gen. Gallieni to the Ecole des Lettres in Algiers. One section which Mondain did not translate will be found in Gautier, E.-F., and Froidevaux, H., Un Manuscrit Arabico-Malgache sur les campagnes de La Case dane l'Imoro, 1659–1663 (Paris, 1907).Google Scholar MS B was prepared from oral accounts collected by the district head of Vohipeno in 1902 and has been called, after him, the ‘Vergely Commentary’. (b) Julien, G. H., Pages Arabico-Maddcasses, in four separate extracts (1929–1933)Google Scholar from the Annales of the French Academy of Colonial Sciences, totalling 283 pages, with photocopies of the Sora-bé, Arabic script texts and interlinear French translations, digests, annotations and control-commentaries. The first chapters of the Pages duplicate considerably two Anteimoro traditions, collected earlier and orally by Felix Guénot at Vondrozo in 1912 and summarized by Julien, in ‘Notes d'Histoire Malgache’, BAM, IX (1926), 2–13.Google Scholar These two will be referred to as Hassani MSS I and 2, after the informant. (c) MS 13 of the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, deposited there in 1899 by the traveller J.-B. Rolland de Kessang. This MS is in four parts. Sections 2–3 contain only religious material. Historical accounts for the Anteony, Antalaotra and Zafindraminia are in 1 and 4. (d) Sora-bée reproduced in Ferrand's Les Musuimans à Madagascar et aux Iles Comores, in three volumes: I (1891), II (1893) and III (1902). These will be referred to as Ferrand MSS, 1–8, while retaining the pagination of the Musulmans (namely Ferrand MSS, no. 6 in Musulmans, II, 7,). This is necessary to distinguish reported manuscripts from Ferrand's own text and interpretations. See also note 96 below for another Sora-bé.
10 The most important of these are the Arabic calendas with impressive impact on agriculture and astrology; the open assembly or kabary, a major political institution; and the art of divination (sikidy), which intersects virtually every aspect of human activity. Dahle, Cf. L., ‘Sikidy and Vintana’, Antananarivo Annual, III (1886–1888), 218–34, 315–27, 457–67;Google ScholarFerrand, G., ‘Note sur le calendrier Malgache et le Fandruana’, Revue des Etudes Ethnographiques et Sociologiques (1908), 93–105, 160–4, or Extract, 1–33;Google ScholarJulien, G., Institutions politiques et sociales de Madagascar, 2 vol. (Paris, 1908–1909).Google Scholar The ombiassa also influenced certain specific institutions in at least three Malagasy societies, but these are not discussed here.
11 Ferrand MSS, no. 2 in Musulmans, I, 123–9.Google Scholar The military events related belong to the first quarter of the nineteenth century. They involved conquests among the Betsileo, Sakalava, Betsimisaraka, Antankarana and Sihanaka. The reference to ‘Twelve Kings’ is meant to pay tribute to the twelve national amulets (sampy) of the Merina, ostensibly destroyed in 1869 when their state officially adopted the Protestant religion. The ‘Red King’ was the Zanaxnalata ruler of Tamatave, Jean Réné, who became a vassal of Radama I.
12 Berthier, H., De l'usage de l'Arabico-Malgache en Imerina au début du XIX siècle (Tananarive, 1934). Published as fascicul XVI of the Mémoires de l'Académie Malgache.Google Scholar
13 Fairly extensive accounts of these campaigns will be found in the bi-monthly L'Iraka (Malagasy and French texts) as follows: no. 65 (1 Feb. 1900), 519; no. 66 (15 Feb. 1900), 526–8; no. 67 (1 Mar. 1900), 534; no. 68 (15 Mar. 1900), 542–3; no. 74 (15 June 1900), 591–2; no.75 (1 July 1900), 598–600; no.76 (15 July 1900), 606–8; and in Father, Malzac'sHistoire du Royaume Hova (Tananarive, 1912), 174–219.Google Scholar
14 Ferrand MSS, no. 3, in Musulmans, II, 33–4. It would appear that first signs of an Ampanabaka revolt manifested themselves around 1850, in the wake of the invading Merina army.
15 A colonial decree of June 1896 abolished slavery in Madagascar and was implemented by Gen. Gallieni before 1905. This eliminated the andevo (slaves) among the Anteimoro without altering, however, the rest of their structure. A manuscript report, entitled ‘Anteimorona of Vohipeno’ (1915), 1–4 (Archives of the Académie Malgache), reveals that the Anteony and Antalaotra were still regarded as ‘rulers’.
16 The Zafirambo or ‘Afferambous’ are mentioned between 1668 and 1670 as ‘inhabitants of high Matitana’ in two French documents drafted at Fort-Dauphin (Archives Nationales, Paris, Section Outre-Mer, Correspondence Madascar, carton I, items 16–17, 25). Professor Hubert Deschamps places the flight of Rambo about the sixteenth century, Histoire de Madagascar (1961), 110.
17 Ferrand was able, after protracted residence among the Anteimoro, to examine this ‘secret’ language. It was, in reality, an archaic Ankara idiom which revealed that roughly 54% of its words were Arabic. Ferrand, Cf., Musulmans, III, 5–39.Google Scholar
18 Originally commoners, rewarded for successful mediation in a local war, the Anterotri lost this advantage as a result of strong Zafikazimambo opposition. Cf. Ferrand MS no. 6 in Musulmans, II, 69–72.
19 Hassani MSS, no. 1 in Pages (1929), 21–2. The cane-planting is an allusion to alcoholism.Google Scholar
20 Hassani MSS, no. 1 in Pages (1929), 23.Google Scholar
21 Ibid. 27–8. The etymology of Mohadjer is al-Muhadjirun, migrants who followed Muhammad from Mecca to Medina in the hidjra (flight).
22 Hassani MSS, no. 2 in Pages (1929), 29. Bakara is ‘bull’ in Arabic. A small clan of Andrebakara was reported in July 1901 as residing in three villages of the Farafangana province.Google Scholar
23 Anteiangati, Anteikiti, Anteimandzavulubé, Antanalulake, Vuhiteni, Tanatana, Sirahazu, Anteviduhazu, Antalandravi, Zaraminti, Antemanampatra, Undzatse (Onjatsy) and Manankarunga. The last have already been noted in connexion with the Bara article, JAH, IX, no. 3 (1968), 37–54. The Undzatse spelling is phonetically correct without following the standard orthography, a general problem in European texts concerning Madagascar.Google Scholar
24 On this, see Julien, G., ‘Le Fananimpitulaha ou monstre heptacéphale de Madagascar’, Comptes Rendus (Académie des Sciences Coloniales), VIII (1926–1927), 205–12.Google Scholar
25 Hassani MSS, no. 2 in Pages (1929), 50–66.Google Scholar
26 MS A in Histoire…de l'Imoro (1910), 51; Ferrand MSS, no. 5 in Musulmans, II, 57, returna to ‘Mecca’ Ali and Hamadi as well after ‘48’ years in Madagascar.Google Scholar
27 MS A in Histoire (1910), 57.Google Scholar
28 Ibid. 59. Significantly, Andriakazimambobé is here preceded by a ‘brother’ named Andriakatibofotsy (Noble White Kitabo), a high sacerdotal person judging by name alone (p. 63); also Julien, , Pages (1933), 7–8.Google Scholar
29 Ferrand MSS, no. 6 in Musulnwns, II, 69–71. This Sora-bé holds, at the same time, three conflicting views: (a) that the Zafikazimambo are an Anteony clan deriving from Andriamarohala; (b) that Andriamarohala and Andrianiarozato are both the ancestral pater of the Zafikazimambo; and (c) that it was a son of Andriamarohala who fathered Antakazimambo. The Ferrand MSS, no. 5 in Musulmans, II, 57–62, makes no connexion between Andriakazimambobé and Ramarohala.Google Scholar
30 Genealogy in MS B (Vergely Commentary), appended to the end of Mondain's introductionGoogle Scholar, and xlix-l of the Histoire (1910).Google Scholar
31 de Flacourt, E., Histoire de la Grande lie Madagascar (1661), reprint of 1913 in Collection des Ouvrages Anciens Concernant Madagascar (henceforth COACM), VIII, 40.Google Scholar For a proposed Mambo connexion, see the Bara article, JAH, IX, no. 3 (1968), 37–54.Google Scholar
32 Histoire (1661), in COACM, VIII (1913), 39.Google Scholar
33 Ibid. 40.
34 Alfred Grandidier gives 1625 as the approximate date of final Zafindraminia migration into Antanosy. There is no doubt, however, that it must have occurred much earlier, since the Zaflndraminia Rohandriana (chiefs, kings) were well established among the Antanosy by the time of Father Luis Mariano's visit in 1613–14. In effect, the first Zafindrarninia penetration of the Antanosy antedates even the Anteimoro arrival in Madagascar, as can be deduced from a Portuguese report of 1508.
35 Ferrand MSS, no. 3, in Musulmans, II, 33.Google Scholar
36 Ibid. 72.
37 Gautier, Cf. and Froidevaux, , La Case (1907), II.Google Scholar
38 Mondain, , Histoire (1910), 83–129.Google Scholar
39 Cauche, F., Relation du voyage…à Madagascar (1651),Google Scholar in COACM, VII (1910), 57.Google Scholar
40 Mondain, , Histoire (1910), xlix.Google Scholar
41 Gautier, and Froidevaux, , La Case (1907), 11–12.Google Scholar For an outline of La Case's life and activities in Madagascar (1656–1671) see Descharnps, , Histoire (1913), 73–5.Google Scholar
42 Flacourt, , Histoire (1661)Google Scholar, in COACM, VIII (1913), 243–5.Google Scholar
43 ‘It was Dian Radam, Ombiasse, who…taught me how to read and write the Arabic letters’ (Flacourt, , Relation de la Grande lie Madagascar (1661),Google Scholar in COACM, IX (1920), 135).Google Scholar
44 La Case (1907), 11–12.Google Scholar
45 Gravier, G., Madagascar (1904), 40–1.Google Scholar
46 Julien, , Pages (1933), 7–31:Google Scholar MS A in Histoire (1910), 83–119.Google Scholar
47 La Case (1907), 12.Google Scholar
48 Ferrand MSS, no. 6, in Musulmans, II, 75. It is possible to interpret this text in two ways: (a) Andriakazimambobé was assassinated by an Anteony; or (b) he lost his life in a war against ‘strangers’.Google Scholar
49 Albuquerque, , Commentarios (1557), in COACM, I (1903), 18.Google Scholar
50 Da Asia (Decade II) in COACM, I (1903), 24.Google Scholar
51 Osorius, H., De Rebus Emmanuelis (1574),Google Scholar in COACM, I (1903), 38–40.Google Scholar
52 Barros, Da Asia (Decade II), in COACM, I (1903), 48–9.Google Scholar
53 Ibid.
54 Barros, Da Asia (Decade III), ibid. 53.
55 Ibid. 55–6.
56 Ibid. 52.
57 After compiling three volumes on the subject, Ferrand could only conclude that he was willing to call the Malagasy Muslims ‘Arabs’ but ‘in the widest possible sense of the term’, Musulmans, III, 114. Although many pointed references are scattered in the three volumes, there is actually no evidence that Ferrand wanted to be concerned with the problem of origins before presenting all of the primary sources he could find. Ferrand's private library was sold in Leiden before the last war and, with it, some of the Sora-bé not published before went into unknown private hands.Google Scholar
58 Ethnographie de Madagascar, I, no. I (1908), 143–57Google Scholar and notes, and 1, no. 2 (1908), 639, note 139; A. and Grandidier, G., Ethnographie de Madagascar, IV (1917), 508. Taken together, these segments begin with admission that the Anteimoro could have been from East Africa, progress to ‘many hypotheses could be advanced’, and terminate in 1917 with the assertion that the ‘Tsimeto are descendants of Sunnite Arabs while the Ankara, Anteony and Zaflkazirnambo descend from the Alides’.Google Scholar
59 Flacourt, , Histoire (1661),Google Scholar in COACM, VIII (1913), 40.Google Scholar Flacourt also states on the same page that the Zafikazimambo have been in Madagascar ‘only iso years’; since the first edition of Flacourt's Histoire came out in, 68, the date of arrival would be 1508.
60 Charpentier de Cossigny, Mémoires (01 1773),Google Scholar cited in Grandidier, A., Ethnographie, I, no. 2 (1908), 635,Google Scholar note 8. On de Cossigny, see Coupland, R., East Africa and its Invaders (London, 1965 reprint), 76, note 2.Google Scholar
61 Barros, Da Asia (Decade III), in COACM, I (1903), 53;Google Scholar and Diogo do Couto, Da Asia (Decade VII), in COACM, I (1903), 99.Google Scholar
62 The earliest is by Jully, A., ‘Ethnographie de Madagascar’, Revue de Madagascar, VIII (1906), 1025–54;Google Scholar and the most recent by Cornevin, R., Histoire de l'Afrique (Paris, 1962) I, 386–9. Cornevin implies that he is following Deschamps, who is less categorical on this subject.Google Scholar
63 MS 13 of the Bibliothèque Nationale in Ferrand, G., ‘La Légende de Raminia’, Journal Asiatique, 9th series, XIX, no. 2 (1902), 225–30.Google Scholar Following this tradition, the Anteimoro issue from Raminia's daughter Ravahininia and an unknown father at Matitana. Conversely, a Tanala oral tradition claims that the Anteimoro gave birth to the Zafindraminia (Picq, cf. Col Ardant du, ‘L'Influence Islamique sur…[les]…Tanala’, Revue des Troupes Cokmiales, XXVI, no. 207 (1932), 266–9).Google Scholar
64 This can be explained by Zafindraminia connexions or by those of the Onjatsy as ‘people [originally] from Vohémar’.
65 The earliest written mention of Onjatsy at Vohémar, given as Anzatci, is in an anonymous MS of 1816, Carton 11/99, Archives des Fortifications des Colonies. Sakalava oral traditions refer to them as Hounzati in Iboina. The Anteimoro Sora-bé mention them at Matitsna several dozen times.
66 Grandidier, A., Ethnographie, I, no. I (1908), 130–1,Google Scholar and notes. This origin was suggested first in a letter by Abbé Charles Nacquart to Vincent de Paul, Feb. 1650, partially reproduced in Mémoires de la Congrégation de la Mission des Lararistes, IX (Paris, 1866), 60.Google Scholar
67 ‘Lea Voyages des javanais a Madagascar’, Journal Asiatique, 10th series, XV, no. 2 (1910), 302–3, 330–3;Google Scholar‘Le Pays de Mangalor et de Mangatsini’, T'oung-pao (Leiden), 2nd series, x, no. I (1909), 1–16.Google Scholar
68 Ibn al-Mudjāwir, TārĪh al-Mustabşir (ca. A.D. 1223), pertinent passage in Arabic and French reproduced by Gabriel, Ferrand in ‘Le K'ouen-Louen’, Journal Asiatique, 11th series, III, no. 3 (1919), 473–7.Google Scholar An English translation will be found in Hunter, F. M., An Account of the British Settlement of Aden in Arabia (London, 1877), 183–96.Google Scholar
69 Ferrand, , ‘Légende’, 224 and note 3.Google Scholar
70 Grandidier, A., Ethnographie, I, no.I (1908), 132 and note 3, 133.Google Scholar
71 Ibid. 133 and note I.
72 Anonymous, Mémoire sur Madagascar, British Museum, Department of Manuscripts, Add. MSS 18126, pp. 45–6. It is inserted as a supplement to the Grand Dictwnnaire de Madagascar, compiled early in the nineteenth century at Mauritius by B. H. de Frobervile. The approximate date of this Mémoire is 1750 but it appears to be based on field-notes made 35–40 years earlier. Valette, Cf. Jean, ‘Madagascar vers 1750 d'après un manuscrit anonyme’, Bulletin de Madagascar, XIV, no. 214 (1964), 211–58.Google Scholar
73 Fleury, Th., ‘Quelques notes sur le nord de Madagascar’, Bulletin de la Société de Géographie Conimerciale de Bordeaux (5 04 1886), 203; based with three additional articles on the MS notes of French naval doctor Charles Bernier, dated 27 Sept. 1834, or about three years after his visit to north-eastern Madagascar. Cf. Archives Nationales, Section Outre-Mer, Correspondance Madagascar, carton XVIII, dossier 8, 1–136. Henesouastes = Hundzatse = Onjatsy or Zanak-Onjatsy has been the proposed etymology.Google Scholar
74 ‘When the Sakalava reached Boueni (Boina)… around 1700… the northwestern coast was occupied… by the Houwsati… whom the tradition reports as having come from Mélinde’ (Vincent, Noel, ‘Recherches sur les Sakkalava’, Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), 3rd series, I (1844), 410).Google Scholar
75 Despite some speculation that such a diffusion might have gone toward the Lake Alaotra region, recent excavations do not confirm it. Battistini, Cf. René and Pierre, Verin, ‘Vohitrandriana Haut-Lieu d'une Ancienne Culture du Lac Laotra’, Civilisation Malgache, 1, no. 1 (1964), 53–90.Google Scholar
76 ‘Ontampasemaka’ according to Flacourt, , ‘because they are Arabs from the Red Sea’, Histoire (1661),Google Scholar in COACM, VIII (1913), 40.Google Scholar
77 Grandidier, A., Ethnographie, I, no. I (1908), 148 and note 5, 156;Google ScholarJully, A., ‘L'Origine des Malgaches’, Bulletin de l'Académie Malgache, i, no. i (1902), 18.Google Scholar
78 For a reproduction of tsangambato, see photograph 9, planche II, in Hubert, Deschamps and Suzanne, Vianès, Les Malgaches du Sud-Est (Paris, 1959), following p. 115.Google Scholar
79 These stone phalli appear to be most widely present in southern Ethiopia, ‘averaging around 12 feet in height’, Murdock, G. P., Africa (1959), 198.Google Scholar
80 A., and Grandidier, G., Ethnographie, IV (1917), 500–3.Google Scholar At least seven of the sixteen patterns ‘carry in all Madagascar the same nomenclatures as in Darfur and North Africa’ (p. 503). Cf. Mohammed es-Zenati, Khatt er-Ramel, summarized by Choaib, A. B. ben in Revue Africaine (Algiers, 1906), 62–71.Google Scholar
81 Malgaches du Sud-Est (1959), 55–7.Google Scholar
82 'Escamps, H. D, Histoire et Géographie de Madagascar (Paris, 1884), 414;Google ScholarHuckett, A. S., ‘Southeast Madagascar’, Chronicle of the London Missionary Society (08 1887), 352;Google Scholar and Ferrand, , Musulmans, I, 9.Google Scholar
83 A number of early sources reported high population density and unusually large quantities of rice among the Anteimoro. In the 1870s, for example, rice granaries in some villages outnumbered the dwellings three to one. In the period 1644–5 two sloops made seven voyages to Matitana to obtain rice for Fort-Dauphin.
84 Pages (1929), 75.Google Scholar
85 The Lulungane mosque was first reported in 1506. On north-western ruins, see Charles, Poirier, ‘Terre d'Islam en Mer Malgache’, BAM, special number (1954), 71–116.Google Scholar In 1916, at Ngazidja (Grande Comore), there were 168 mosques, the oldest of which (atTsaouéni) goes back to the first Muslim arrivals.
86 Trimingham, J. S., Islam in East Africa (London, 1964), 53–75;Google ScholarDeschamps, and Vianés, , Malgaches du Sud-Est (1959), 70–1;Google ScholarFerrand, , Musulmans, 1, 15–41.Google Scholar A comparison of the Ferrand and Deschamps-Vianés passages shows that considerable dilution of Islamic survivals occurred in the last seven decades (1891–1959), the opposite of the gains Islam made in Africa under colonial rule. This is almost certainly due to a total isolation of the Anteimoro from outside contacts; there is no doubt that Islamic roots were much stronger in the earlier centuries.
87 Mozinga, for cannon, appears to be the only one of Swahili loanwords. The common letter is for ng transliterationsGoogle ScholarGrandidier, A., Ethnographic, 1, no. 1 (1908), 129,Google Scholar notule 2c; and Ferrand, , Musulmans, III, 115 (table).Google Scholar
88 Ferrand, , ‘Notes sur Ia transcription Arabico-Malgache’, Mémoirs de la Société de Linguistique de Paris, XII (1902), 164;Google Scholar and Grandidier, A., Ethnographie, I, no. I (1908), 153 note 2.Google Scholar
89 Julien, , Pages (1929), 113–14.Google Scholar
90 I am indebted to Mr David Flattery of the University of California, Berkeley, for discovering this general trend. The Hassani manuscripts as well as those of Mondain reveal a good number of Anteimoro words which appear to belong to some African languages, a matter currently being researched.
91 Trimingham, , Islam in East Africa, 148, 185.Google Scholar
92 Somalia, Scritti Vari Editi ed Inediti, I (Rome, 1957), III.Google Scholar According to Julien, Hassani, ‘auteur de notre copie et conservateur du texte original’, was uncertain whether Anteimoro should come out phonetically Temuru or Tamaru. As for its etymology, ‘il pretend qu'il s'agit d'une ville d'Arabie. S'agirait-il de Tamara, prè;s Berbera?’ Cf. Pages (1929), 61 note I.Google Scholar
93 Cerulli, , Somalia, I, III.Google Scholar
94 Ferrand, , Musulmans, III, 26.Google Scholar
95 Gibb, H. A. R. and Kramers, J. H., Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam (Leiden, 1953), 390;Google Scholar and Buhl, Fr., Das Leben Muhammeds, 109,Google Scholar cited as reference in trans. by Schaeder, (Leipzig, 1930).Google Scholar
96 Jensen, Cf. Ad. E., ‘Elementi della Cultura Spirituale dci Conso nell'Etiopia Mendionale’, Rassegna di Studi Etiopici, II, no. 3 (1942), 217–58;Google ScholarMurdock, , Africa 201–3.Google Scholar The menhir photograph in Jensen shows them to be somewhat shorter than the tsangambato.
97 Rombaka, J.-P., Tantaran' drazan'ny Antemoro Anteony. There exists a French translation by Mrs Ramaroson and Miss Raharijaona but this could not be obtained. A résumé, however, was found in a typescript communication to the Académie Malgache, presented at the session of i Dec. 1949 by the late Colançon, ‘Note sur un manuscrit Arabico-Malgache’, 1–8.Google Scholar
98 Antetnoro Anteony (c. 1933), in ‘Note’ (1949), 3 note I, and p.5.Google Scholar
99 Ibid. 5.
100 Histoire (1661), in COACM, VIII (1913), 244.Google Scholar These offices can be brought closer to the etymons: MaleøMallam; TibouøThaleb; MouladziøMawld (used with various suffixes); Faquihi/Fakih; Kotibu/Khatib; Loulamaha/'Ulamã; Sabaha/Sabahaøṣaḥāba (?),‘Companion of the Prophet’, roughly the equvalent of Muhādjirūn.
101 Histoire (1661), in COACM, VIII (1913), 279–80.Google Scholar
102 Hunter, D., Papermaking: The History and Technique of an Ancient Craft (New York,1947), 29–47.Google Scholar
103 Histoire (1661), in COACM, VIII (1913), 279.Google Scholar
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