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X. Problems of Javanese Labour: Continuity and Change in the Nineteenth Century (Servitude and Mobility)

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 April 2010

F. Tichelman
F. Tichelman
Affiliation:
International Institute for Social History, Amsterdam
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Extract

Western expansion and the large-scale cultivation of tropical crops for the world market gave rise to a strong demand for labour — plantation labour in particular. The commercial production of sugar(-cane) and other tropical produce more often than not was concentrated in areas that could not provide themselves adequate supplies of suitable labour: the Caribbean zone can serve as a model in this respect. Distance and the unattractive character of work on the fields and plantation life as such militated against the recruitment of voluntary workers on any scale. So the massive mobilization of bonded labour from more populous areas imposed itself on the planters. The extent and form of bonded migrant labour are determined both by the character of unequal power relations and significant differences in the quality of demand and supply. This subject, that is the successive stages of the recruitment and transport of non-voluntary labour (from Africa, Europe and India) to the Caribbean plantation world (including the adjacent continental zones) has been thoroughly studied. The export of Indian labour, bonded or ‘free’, in the post-slavery period has been dealt with by Tinker in a competent way. Modern scholarship only recently started to show an interest in the mobilization of labour, bonded or free, within the great Asian colonies of which two became important suppliers of overseas labour: India and Java. In the Caribbean zone, in Mauritius and similar plantation colonies, the West was in a position to create by forceful means, new plantation societies, fitted to its needs. In Asia one was confronted with states long established, ancient civilizations and relatively large populations.

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Articles
Information
Itinerario , Volume 11 , Issue 1: India and Indonesia from the 1830s to 1914: The Heyday of Colonial Rule , March 1987 , pp. 155 - 192
Copyright
Copyright © Research Institute for History, Leiden University 1987

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References

Notes

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59 Onghokham, , The Residency of Madiun. Priyayi and Peasant in the Nineteenth Century (Univ Microfilms Ann Arbor Mich. 1975) 211ff. See alsoGoogle ScholarSoest, Van, Geschiedenis van het kultuurstelsel II, 127. For the meaning of sikep see: Eindresumé onderzoek rechten op de grond III, 193-194Google Scholar.

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61 Hüsken, F., ‘Regionale verschillen in de agrarische ontwikkeling van Java: variaties op het involutiepatroon’ (Working paper, Univ. of Amsterdam 1981) 18Google Scholar.

62 Fasseur, , Kultuurstelsel, 143Google Scholar.

63 Levert, , Inheemsche arbeid, 98–99;Google ScholarFurnivall, , Netherlands India, 197Google Scholar.

64 Gonggrijp, , Schels ener economischegeschiedenis, 129Google Scholar; Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch-Indië II, 139-140, 385-397; Ibidem IV, 231-232, 326. The free cultivation of tea started very early in the Priangan:Vroon, L. J., De bevolkingstheecultuur in de residentie West-Priangan (Wageningen 1928) 9Google Scholar.

65 Here a permanent discussion is going on since Geertz, C., Agricultural Involution. The Process of Ecological Change in Indonesia (Berkeley 1963), concerning the complex interrelationships between sawah, sugar, demand for labour and land, desa community and populatio n growth. We must mention: Alexander and Alexander, Breman, Elson, Hiisken, Van Niel, Onghokham, Wertheim, S. WhiteGoogle Scholar.

66 Levert, Inheemsche arbeid, 76, 81-83, 85, 90; Elson, , ‘Impact of Government Sugar Cultivation’, 49–50Google Scholar.

67 Bijlagen Handelingen Tweede Kamer 1862-1863, C, 871, 872, 1050, 1064, 1065, 1071, 1077, 1080.

68 Levert, Inheemsche arbeid, 84ff, 93ff; Furnivall, , Netherlands India, 178–187;Google ScholarPierson, , Koloniale politick, 161–163; Onderzoek mindere welvaart VI d, 22+; Koloniaal Verslag 1858,6Google Scholar.

69 Levert, , Inheemsche arbeid, 105–110, 121; Onderzoek mindere welvaart VI d, 16Google Scholar.

70 For the rise of Surabaya: Frederick, W. H., Indonesian Urban Society in Transition: Surabaya, 1926-1946 (London, Univ. Microfilms Int. 1982) 14ffGoogle Scholar; Deventer, Van, Bijdragen kennis landelijk stelsel II, 676–677 (private firms payed higher wages)Google Scholar. In the Batavia regio n professional labour brokers played a role (both Chinese and Indonesian). Ibidem, 594, 765-766. See also: Eindresumé onderzoek rechten op de grand III, 57, 60. For the rise of private enterprise see: Koloniaal Verslag 1849, 145; Ibidem1851, 107-108; Ibidem1852, 100. For the stimulus of railway construction since one started with the line from Semarang to the Principalities in 1862:Pierson, , Koloniale politick, 327–328Google Scholar.

71 Deventer, Van, Bijdragen kennis landelijk stelsel II, 765–766Google Scholar; Ibidem III, 89-91; Koloniaal Verslag 1851, 63-64, 114. A special case was the recruitment of Javanese labour for the coalfields near Banjermasin since one started digging in 1845. Many died or fled. Koloniaal Verslag 1849, 149-150;Furnivall, , Netherlands India, 185Google Scholar.

72 Indisch Staatsblad (1895) no. 247; Levert, , Inheemsche arbeid, 149Google Scholar.

73 For the legal aspects of the period 1854-1938: Tjoeng, , Arbeidstoestanden, 17–29. For the enumeration of all categories of corvee services at mid century: Koloniaal Verslag 1849, 162-163, and in the last decades of the 19th century: Fokkens, Eindresumé onderzoek verplichte diensten I: heerendiensten, 7ff. We cannot deal with the specific weight of the main categories of services or with special problems like the hated blandong services in the government teak wood forests (Onderzoek mindere welvaart VI d, 31+, 33+) Koloniaal Verslag 1863, 8, neither with the obligatory services on private estates, and rented estate lands in the Principalities, or with the separate worlds of slavery, debt peonage and convict labour. On slavery and convict labour the Colonial Reports provide yearly figures. As to convict labour (officially several thousands throughout the whole century) the figures probably are far from complete; up to the very end of Dutch colonial rule every local prison did provide labour for public works like producin g road metal. See for the evolution of corvée:Google ScholarSchoch, C. F., De heeren-diensten op Java en Madura volgens het Hegeerings-Reglement van 1854 (The Hague 1891); Fokkens, Eindresumé onderzoek verplichte dienslen I, Introduction and passimGoogle Scholar.

74 Ibidem II, 3ff; Hasselman, , Eindverslag onderzoek Dessadiensten, 20, 23, 26-28, 52, 66ff; Eindresumé onderzoek rechten op degrond I, 92, 96Google Scholar; Niel, Van, ‘Measurement of Change’, 90Google Scholar.

75 Schoch, , Heerendiensten, 68–70, 78ffGoogle Scholar; Tjoeng, , Arbeidstoestanden, 18. The first (elaborated) draft regulation dates from 1840.Google ScholarDeventer, Van, Bijdragen kennis landelijk stelsel III, 113–114Google Scholar.

76 Tjoeng, Arbeidstoestanden, 18ff; Schoch, , Heerendiensten, 74–75, 78ffGoogle Scholar; Hasselman, Eindverslag onderzoek Dessadiensten, 3ff. For the categories of service liability: Fokkens, , Eindresumé onder-zoek verplichte diensten I, 4–8Google Scholar.

77 Eindresumé onderzoek rechten op de grond III, 63, 108-110 (for the question of land as official renumeration for Regents and other indigenous authorities, being the basis of claims on labour to have this land tilled: Ibidem II, 50ff). Schoch, , Heerendiensten, 81–82, 85ff, 95ff, 101ff. In Banten all ablebodied men traditionally were liable to personal services. Onderzoekmindere welvaart IX a, Bantam, 12Google Scholar.

78 Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch-Indië I, 232; Ibidem II, 77; Hasselman, , Eindverslag onderzoek Dessadiensten, 70. According to Brooshooft (Memorie over den toestand in Indië, 83-85), the payment of headtax and the buying off of service obligations did often constitute a heavy burden for the population, being too poor sometimes to afford the luxury of monetary conversionGoogle Scholar.

79 The final result of the investigations in all government residencies was Fokkens' Eindresumé onderzoek verplichte diensten of 1903. For Kedu see the report of resident Wiselius, Onderzoek naar den omvang van de heeren- en dessadiensten in de Residentie Kedoe, Algemeen Rijksarchief (National Record Office) The Hague (ARA), Mailrapport 1888 no. 54. In 1835 already the Inspector of Cultivation was charged with the task to investigate compulsory labour practices in Kedu in detail; it led nowhere. Ibidem, 7-8. Much information of land etc. A special way of evading burdensome labour and monetary tax obligations consisted of night and settlement on the yards of Europeans and ‘alien Orientals’. Ibidem, chapter VI.

80 Tjoeng, , Arbeidstoestanden, 24–26; Fokkens, Eindresumé onderzoek verplichte diensten I, Introduction; Hasselman, Eindverslag onderzoek Dessadiensten, 11ffGoogle Scholar; Furnivall, , Netherlands India, 293–294Google Scholar.

81 Tjoeng, , Arbeidstoestanden, 25Google Scholar; Fokkens, , Eindresumé onderzoek verplichte diensten I, 13–16;Google ScholarHasselman, , Eindverslag onderzoek Dessadiensten, 59, 75ff, 158ff. Because of the variety in personal obligations Hasselman could not calculate averages of workdays per villager who is liable to desa services. Moreover the varying sums payed to buy off pancen services constitute a complicating factor. The greatest burden consisted of police services crudely ranging from 20/25 up to 50 and moreGoogle Scholar.

82 Heijting, H. G., De koelie-wetgeving voor de buitengewesten van Nederlandsch-Indië (The Hague 1925) 2ff; Paets tot Gansoyen, Rechtsverhouding, 15ffGoogle Scholar; Tjoeng, , Arbeidstoestanden, 36–37Google Scholar.

83 Furnivall, , Netherlands India, 166; Onderzoek mindere welvaart VI d, 22+Google Scholar; Pierson, , Koloniale politick, 114Google Scholar; Endt, P., Arbeiterverhältnisse in Niederlandisch-Ost-lndien (mit besonderer Beriicksichti-gung von der Ostkuste von Sumatra) (Amsterdam 1918) 30ffGoogle Scholar.

84 Paets tot Gansoyen, Rechtsverhouding, 35ff; Delden, C. H. van, Bijdrage tot de arbeidswetgeving in Nederlandsch Oost-Indië (The Hague 1895) 19Google Scholar; Levert, , Inheemsche arbeid, 91–92Google Scholar.

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86 Paets tot Gansoyen, Rechtsverhouding, 45ff; Endt, Arbeiterverhältnisse, 40ff; Levert, , Inheemsche arbeid, 147Google Scholar.

87 Paets, tot Gansoyen, , Rechtsverhouding, 50–53; Endt, Arbeiterverhältnisse, 49ffGoogle Scholar; Levert, , Inheemsche arbeid, 101Google Scholar; Deventer, C. T. van, Overzicht van den economischen toestand der Inlandsche bevolking vanJava en Madoera (The Hague 1904) 59; Onderzoek mindere welvaart VI d, 7 +Google Scholar.

88 Ibidem, 17-18 shows a certain ambiguity; on the one hand intervention of village authorities is played down, on th e other one mentions a number of ways to mediate between peasant/worker and employer on payment of money or goods. Deventer, Van, Overzicht economischen toestand, 51Google Scholar; Hasselman, C. J., Algemeen overzicht van de uitkomsten van het Welvaart-onderzoek gehouden op Java en Madoera in 1904-1905. Opgemaakt ingevolge opdracht van zijne excellentie den minister van kolonien (The Hague 1914) 158Google Scholar.

89 Onderzoek mindere welvaart VI d, 25; Hasselman, , Algemeen overzicht, 154Google Scholar; Levert, , Inheemsche arbeid, 150Google Scholar.

90 Endt, , Arbeiterverhältnisse, 44–49;Google ScholarPaets, tot Gansoyen, , Rechtsverhouding, 63–66; Onderzoek min-dere welvaart VI d, 26Google Scholar; Deventer, Van, Overzicht economischen toestand, 52–53;Google ScholarLevert, , Inheemsche arbeid, 155–163. Further the system of fines and delayed payment of wages has to be mentioned.Google ScholarHasselman, , Algemeen overzicht, 159–160. Sometimes the mandoors themselves fined workers. Incidentally the employer provided opium. Onderzoek mindere welvaart VI d, 106Google Scholar.

91 Ranneft, J. W. Meyer, ‘Volksverplaatsingen op Java’, Tijdschrift voor het Binnelandsch Bestuur 49 (1915) 59–87, 165-184; see 64ffGoogle Scholar.

92 Verslag van het congres ter bespreking van de praeadviezen betrejfende ‘Het arbeidsvraagstuk in verband met de noodzakelijke ontwikkeling der Buitengewesten’ (Weltevreden 1921) 58–59Google Scholar.

93 Hüsken, , ‘Regionaleverschillen’, 12–13Google Scholar.

94 Nitisastro, Widjojo, Population Trends in Indonesia (Ithaca 1970) 36Google Scholar.

95 Ranneft, Meyer, ‘Volksverplaatsingen’, 79Google Scholar.

96 Ibidem, 77, 80-81; Burger, E. J., Landverhuizing bij de inheemsche bevolkingin Nederlandsch-Indië alskoloniaal-economisch verschijnsel (Den Helder 1927) 52Google Scholar.

97 See the residency-wise answers to the question concerning migration and the ways to find additional income during the paceklik season in Ondenoek mindere welvaart IX. Further: Ibidem IX c, 16ff; Hasselman, , Algemeen overzicht, 284–285;Google ScholarOnderzoek mindere welvaart VI d, 1-27; Ibidem IX b 1, 9ff, 62; Meyer Ranneft, ‘Volksverplaatsingen’. The information on the scope of permanent settlement of people from Java on Sumatra and elsewhere is scanty for the 19th century. For the Lampungs in the 20th century see: Onderzoek mindere welvaart IX b 1, 11; Encyclopaedic van Nederlandsch-Indië II, 521-522; Uitkomslen der in de maand november 1920 gehouden volkstelling II (3 vols.; Batavia 1922) 262Google Scholar; Volkstelling 1930 IV (8 vols.; Batavia 1933–1936) 33–34;Google ScholarHeeren, H. J., Het land aan de overkant. Transmigrate vanjava naar Sumatra (Meppel 1967) 12ff. For Surinam more or less regular information is provided by the Koloniale Verslagen (Colonial Reports), e.g. 1895, 97; 1896, 80. Further:Google ScholarMalefijt, A. de Waal, The Javanese ofSurinam; Segment ofa Plural Society (Assen 1963) 25ffGoogle Scholar.

98 Ranneft, Meyer, ‘Volksverplaawingen’, 82–84, 170Google Scholar.

99 Pelzer, , Arbeitenuanderungen, 99Google Scholar; Endt, Arbeiterverhältnisse, 79ff; Koloniaal Verslag 1889, 4; Ibidem 1894, 6. For the Malayan peninsula (the Straits Settlements included):Jackson, R. N., Immigrant Labour and the Development of Malaya 1786-1920 (n.p. (Kuala Lumpur) 1961) 127–131.Google ScholarSandhu, (Indians in Malaya, 55–56) emphasizes the restrictions imposed by the Dutch government, permitting (since 1887) labour recruitment in Java onlyGoogle Scholar. For Australia (Queensland particularly), northern Borneo and other destinations: Mailrapport 1889 no. 535, ARA; idem 1890 no. 170; idem 1891 no. 141 +; idem 1896 nos. 345, 444; idem 1897 nos. 346,427; idem 1895 no. 779; Koloniaal Verslag 1888, 83; Ibidem 1897, 97.

100 The earliest contract labour migration from China probably dates from January 1858. Koloniaal Verslag 1863, 27. Chinese indentured labour migration to the east coast of Sumatra attained considerable proportions in the 80s. H. J. Bool, De Chineesche immigrate naar Deli (n.p., n.d.). For the problems concerning the recruitment and immigration of Indian workers: Mailrapport 1886 no. 202+, ARA; idem 1887 no. 771 c; idem 1888 nos. 50+, 852+; idem 1889 no. 591; idem 1890 no. 679. As to the requests that were rejected: Koloniaal Verslag 1896, 81; Mailrapport 1897 no. 456+.

101 Furnivall, , Netherlands India, 185, 214Google Scholar; Onderzoek mindere welvaart VI d, 7 +; Deventer, Van, Overzicht economischen toestand, 59Google Scholar.

102 Onderzoek mindere welvaart IV a, 64 and V a, 331. In the mid 80s Javanese migration to the Straits Settlements increased. Mailrapport 1886 no. 583+, ARA. At the same time Singapore had become an international labour market, through which Javanese workers were recruited for the east coast of Sumatra. Koloniaal Verslag 1888, 83.

103 De Residentie Kadoe. Naar de uitkomslen der statistieke opname en andere officiele bescheiden door de Afdeeling statistiek te Algemeene Secretarie (Batavia 1871) 24, 28; Encyclopaedie van Neder-landsch-Indië 1, 103 and IV, 630Google Scholar; Doom, C. L. van, Schets van de economische ontwikkeling der afdeeling Poerworedjo (Residentie Kedoe) (Weltevreden 1926) 26–27;Google ScholarCarey, , ‘Waiting for the Ratu Adil’, 10Google Scholar; Van Beusichem, Statistiek vanjava en Madoera, ARA, Min. v. Kol. 3051, no. 3, Sff; Kollman, M. H. S., ‘Bagelen onder het Bestuur van Soerakarta en Djokjakarta’, Tijdschrift voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 14 (1864) 352–368.Google Scholar

104 Doorn, Van, Schets economische ontwikkeling, 26, 28, 35Google Scholar.

105 Ibidem, 38; Residentie Kadoe, 55; Eindresuméonderzoek rechten op degrond II, 153-154.

106 Residentie Kadoe, 95ff; Deventer, Van, Bijdragen kennis landelijk stelsel II, 708Google Scholar.

107 Doorn, Van, Schets economische ontwikkeling, 45Google Scholar.

108 Residentie Kadoe, 54-55, 174-175.

109 For a detailed and voluminous survey of the problems of corvee, pancen, desa services and the efforts to reguliz e and reduce the compulsory labour obligations: Wiselius, Onderzoek naar den omvang van de Heeren- en desadiensten in de Residentie Kedoe, Mailrapport 1888 no. 54, ARA. Sometimes people fled in order to evade labour and monetary tax obligations and settled on the yards of Europeans and ‘alien Orientals’. Ibidem, chapter VI.

110 Doorn, Van, Schets economische ontwikkeling, 40; Hesidentie Kadoe, 55-56 (epidemics). van Overgave H.F. ter Meulen, Mailrapport 1907 no. 533, ARA, Verbaal 5-3-1908, no. 36, 15-17Google Scholar.

111 For the economic situation: Onderzoek mindere welvaart X c III, 103, 105. For the eastward movement: I biclem IX b 1,62; Doorn, Van, Schets economische ontwikkeling, 57–58Google Scholar.

112 Ibidem, 57; Onderzoek mindere welvaart, Economi e van de desa, Kedoe, 6-7; Koloniaal Venlag 1897, 5. For the Sukapura colonization project: Memorie van Overgave H. Kuneman, Mailrapport 1891 no. 507, ARA; Mailrapport 1892 no. 330+; Koloniaal Verslag 1890, 4-5; Ibidem 1892, 4; Ibidem 1894, 6; Onderzoek mindere welvaart IX b 1, 9. The plain of Bagelen remained the top exporter of contract coolies for a long time. A.M.P.A. Scheltema, ‘Eenige gegevens betreffende den economischen toestand in de regenischappen vanwaar in 1928 de meeste contractkoelies vertrokken’, Kotoniale Studien (1929) 11,411 -429, esp. 412-413.

113 Onderzoek mindere welvaart IX b 1,48.

114 In the 30s already groups of coolies (porters) went to Semarang to look for work. Van Beusichem, Statistiekvan Javaen Madoera, ARA, Min. v. Kol. 3051, no. 3,35.

115 Onderzoek mindere welvaart VI d, 8; Ibidem IX, Economic van de desa, Kedoe, 7; Koloniaal Verslag 1896, 4; Ibidem 1897, 5; Onderzoek mindere welvaart IX b 1, 9; Hasselman, , Algerneen overzichl, 285. For the migration of established farmers somewhat earlier: Eindresumé onder-zoek rechten op de grand III, 204Google Scholar.

116 Pelzer, K. J., Pioneer Settlement in the Asiatic Tropics. Studies in Land Utilization and Agricultural Colonization in Southeastern Asia (New York 1948) 191ff; Onderzoek mindere welvaart IX b 1, 11; Mailrapport 1907, no. 533, ARAGoogle Scholar.

117 Onderzoek mindere welvaart IX, Economic van de desa, Kedoe, 26, 54-55.

118 Ibidem VI d, 3-4. For the general situation in the Cirebon residency: Veth, , Java II, 224–229Google Scholar; Ibidem III, 424-426; Memorie van OvergaveJ. Mesman, Mailrapport 29-4-1908, no. 668, ARA, Verbaal 9-3-1909, no. 50. There was also labour migration to the sugar industry n i Cirebon from Brebes and Tanjung (both residency of Pekalongan). Onderzoek mindere welvaart IX a, Cheribon, 47. For Madura: Ibidem IX, Economie van de desa, Madoera, 2, 3, 10, 18, 19, 21. The earliest Madurese wage labour supply for Besuki originated from Sumenep. Koloniaal Verslag 1858, 6. See also: Onderzoek mindere welvaart X c, 131.

119 For Surabaya: Onderzoek mindere welvaart VI d, 5. For Madura see note 120. For Bawean: Ibidem VI d, 5. For North Central Java: Ibidem IX, Economie van de desa, Pekalongan, 6-7, 47; Ibidem, Rembang, 21, 30, 37 (the migration to East Java is not mentioned here); Ibidem, Semarang, 8-9; Ibidem X c III, 85, 117, 123. The highest mobility rate in the north coast of Central Java was to be found in Pekalongan.

120 Onderzoek mindere welvaart IX, Economic van de desa, Pasoeroean, 36, 75-76; Ibidem VI d, 5; Ibidem X c III, 143; Koloniaal Verslag 1870, 405 and 1896, 4.

121 Onderzoek mindere welvaarl IX, Economic van de desa, Kediri, 7, 31, 59; Ibidem X c III, 136; Koloniaal Verslag 1870, 407.

122 Baker, Ch., ‘Economic Reorganisation and the Slump in South and Southeast Asia’, Comparative Studies in Society and History 23 (1981) 325–349, esp. 326, 329, 331 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.

123 For Annam/Tonkin: Fisher, C. A., Southeast Asia. A Social, Economic and Political Geography (London 1964) 531ffGoogle Scholar; Robequain, Ch., The Economic Development of French Indo-China (London 1944) 50, 54-55, 158ff, 186-187Google Scholar; Murray, M. J., The Development of Capitalism in Colonial Indo china (1870-1940) (Berkeley 1980) 55ff, 61-62, 91-92, 232-235, 318ffGoogle Scholar.

124 Tichelman, F., ‘Transitie in de Niet-Westerse wereld’ in: Tichelman, F., De doorbraak van het kapitalisme (Meppel 1978) 99–124, esp. 116-119Google Scholar; Indonesian Economics: The Concept of in Theory and Policy (The Hague 1961) 30ffGoogle Scholar.

125 See Fasseur, Kultuurstelsel; Van Niel, ‘Measurement of Change’; Elson, ‘Impact of Government Sugar Cultivation’; Alexander and Alexander, ‘Labour Demands’; White, B., ‘Population, Involution and Employment in Rural Java’, Development and Change 7 (1976) 267–290; Sajogyo, ‘Modernization without Development in Rural Java’ (Paper contributed to the Study on Changes in Agrarian Structures, UN, 1972-73, Bogoms); Hüsken, ‘Regionale verschillen’CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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