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Emigration from Europe to Colonial Destinations: Some Nineteenth-Century Australian and South African perspectives

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  22 June 2011

Robin Haines  and
Ralph Shlomowitz
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Extract

In a seminal paper published nearly forty years ago, Frank Thistlethwaite argued that the migration process ought to be liberated from the stereotypical historiographical tradition. This tradition offered a homogeneous image of undifferentiated waves of uprooted peasants and artisans suffering from epidemics of emigration fever during times of crisis. Instead, he argued, a close study of the individual or group experience of emigrants from particular regions, to specific destinations, would reveal a great deal about the motives, characteristics and pathways of people participating in highly distinctive movements. Thus, emigration might be seen not as a phenomenon in its own right, but as an aspect of a process that stimulated the seasonal circulatory movements of specific occupational groups not only within Europe, but extending outwards around the Mediterranean basin and often culminating in a circular navigation of the ‘Atlantic lake’. For millions of European workers, a natural extension of this ‘proletariat globetrotting’ was an individually-organized one-way voyage to the New World.

Type
Articles
Information
Itinerario , Volume 20 , Issue 1 , March 1996 , pp. 133 - 152
Copyright
Copyright © Research Institute for History, Leiden University 1996

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References

Notes

1 Frank Thistlethwaite, ‘Migration from Europe Overseas in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries’ in: Katz, Stanley N. and Kutler, Stanley I. eds, New Perspectives of the American Pastil II(Boston 1969).Google Scholar Rudolph Vecoli has also argued that Italian emigration was seldom the tragic epic as described in Oscar Handlin's pioneering model (The Uprooted, New York 1951).Google Scholar See Vecoli, ‘Contadini in Chicago: A Critique of ‘The Uprooted” ‘in: Leonard Dinnerstein and Frederic Jaher, C. eds, The Aliens (New York 1970).Google Scholar Jon Gjerde confirms that American social historians found little evidence to support Handlin's ‘history of alienation thesis’. Instead, they found diverse and rich immigrant experience. See Gjerde, , From Peasants to Farmers: The Migration from Balestrand, Norway to the Upper Middle West (Cambridge 1985).Google Scholar

2 This term was first used by Foerster, R.F. in 1919. See Thisdethwaite, ‘Migration from Europe Overseas’, 63.Google Scholar

3 Between 1821 and 1900, an estimated total of at least 1,482,093 emigrants arrived in Australia from the United Kingdom, of whom, between 1831 and 1900, 740,073 were government-assisted. For an extended analysis of our data and methodology see Haines, and Shlomowitz, , ‘Nineteenth century immigration from the United Kingdom to Australia: an estimate of the percentage who were government-assisted’, Flinders University Working Papers in Economic History 45 (1990).Google Scholar Compressed versions of these data can be found in the same authors' ‘Immigration from the United Kingdom to Colonial Australia: A Statistical Analysis’, Journal of Australian Studies 34 (1992) 43–52Google Scholar; ‘Nineteenth Century Government-Assisted and Total Immigration from the United Kingdom to Australia: Quinquennial Estimates by Colony’, Journal ofthe Australian Population Associations 8 (1991) 50–61Google Scholar; ‘A Statistical Approach to the Peopling of South Australia: Immigration from the United Kingdom 1836–1900’, Journal of the Historical Society of South Australia 19 (1991) 108–118.Google Scholar Between 1845 and 1889, 35,251 government-assisted emigrants were brought to the Cape Colony (and a few thousand to the colony of Natal). The government-assisted flow to the Cape Colony was sporadic, dependent, in part, on the demand for labour, available finance, and political events: 3,839 (1845–1850); 9,324 (1857–1862); 21,277 (1873–1882); and 811 (1889). Unfortunately, data do not appear to be available to estimate the number of unassisted immigrants. Our Cape Colony data on assisted emigration are based on tables contained in the appendices of the annual reports of the Colonial Land and Emigration Commission, published annually in British Parliamentary Papers, and on the sporadic annual reports of the Immigration Agent at the Cape, published in the Cape Parliamentary Papers.

4 Penal settlements in Australia from 1788 were New South Wales (incorporating Port Phillip, now Victoria, and Moreton Bay, now Queensland), until 1840, and Van Diemen's Land (now Tasmania), until 1855. In 1850 Western Australia, which had attracted few free settlers, arranged a deal with the British government whereby Western Australia would receive convicts in return for a specified number of free settlers funded, unconventionally, by the British government. The last convict ship landed in Western Australia in 1868 by which time some 160,000 convicts had landed in the Australian colonies. South Australia, settled on the Wakefield system in 1836, did not receive transported convicts.

5 Bull, Esmé, Aided Immigration from Britain to South Africa 1857 to 1867 (Pretoria 1991) 9–11.Google Scholar See also Robertson, H.M., ‘The Cape of Good Hope and “Systematic Colonization”’, The South African Journal of Economics 5 (1937) 367–411 but esp. 402.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 In the 1890s, a ‘Report on the Natal Government Emigration Agency in London for the Year 1890’, tabled as Appendix 5 in the Select Committee on Colonization, British Parliamentary Papers XI, 1890–1891 (152) 74–77, emphasised that Queensland was offering better inducements than Natal and that all of the Australian colonies, New Zealand, the Cape and Natal were ‘bidding briskly for emigrants from Europe, and free passages were provided for very large numbers’.Google Scholar

7 Although beyond the brief of this paper, New Zealand was another British colony whose experience parallels that of Australia and South Africa. See, for example, Arnold, Rollo, The Farthest Promised Land: English Villagers, New Zealand Immigrants of the 1870s (Wellington 1981)Google Scholar; Macdonald, Charlotte, A Woman of Good Character Single Women as Immigrant Settlers in Nineteenth-Century New Zealand (Wellington 1990).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

8 Via their agents at the major British ports, the CLEC was responsible for policing the Passenger Acts. Oliver MacDonagh has analysed the way in which the emigration service was a paradigm case for the growth of Victorian government. See A Pattern of Government Growth 1800–60 (London 1961)Google Scholar, and Fred Hitchins, H., The Colonial Land and Emigration Commission (Philadelphia 1931).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

9 For a detailed analysis of the CLEC and its precursors, and for a discussion of changes to selection criteria, regulations and the various schemes in operation in the Australian colonies during the nineteenth century, see Haines, , ‘Indigent misfits or shrewd operators? Government-assisted emigrants from the United Kingdom to Australia, 1831–1860’, Population Studies 48 (1994) 223–248.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10 At the Flinders University of South Australia Eric Richards is currently undertaking a longterm project using ships' lists to analyse the geographical origin, age, gender, occupation and family status of all 19th-entury arrivals in Australian ports, assisted and unassisted. For the US see, for example, Erickson, Charlotte, ‘Explanatory Models in Immigration and Migration Research’ in: Semmingsen, Ingrid and Seyersted, Per eds, Scando-Americana Papers on Scandinavian Emigration to the United States (Oslo 1980)Google Scholar; ibid., ‘Emigration from the British Isles to the USA in 1841’, I and II, Population Studies 43 (1989) 367Google Scholar; 44 (1990) 31; and ibid., ‘Emigration from the British Isles to the USA in 1831’, Population Studies 35 (1981) 186–187.Google Scholar See also ibid., leaving England: Essays on British Emigration in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca 1994).Google Scholar See also Raymond L. Cohn, ‘The Family Composition of European Immigration to the US during the Early Mass Migration’, Social Science History (forthcoming); van Vugt, William, ‘“Running from Ruin?” The Emigration of British Farmers to the USA. In the Wake of the Repeal of the Corn Laws’, Economic History Review 2nd series 41 (1988) 411–428.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11 For South Africa see Bull, Aided Immigration from Britain to South Africa.

12 Fares could rise dramatically during times of crisis including, for example, the Crimean War. See McDonald, and Shlomowitz, , ‘Passenger Fares on Sailing Vessels to Australia in the Nineteenth Century’, Explorations in Economic History 28 (1991) 192–207.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

13 Although US-bound emigrants received parish subsidies before 1834, after the inauguration of the PLC, parish unions were refused permission to aid all but colony-bound candidates. Guardians were severely chastised by the PLC on occasions when they relaxed this rule. Parish-aided candidates to Canada could, of course, work their way to the US. See Haines, , ‘“Shovelling out Paupers?” Parish-assisted Emigration from England to Australia 1834–1847’ in: Richards, Eric ed., Poor Australian Immigrants in the Nineteenth Century (Canberra 1991).Google Scholar

14 From these data, a profile of government arrivals has been assembled. For New South Wales see Shultz, R.J., ‘Assisted Immigration into New South Wales and Port Phillip District 1837–1850’ (Doctoral dissertation; Australian National University 1971).Google Scholar For New South Wales, Victoria and South Australia, the three major Australian colonies, see Haines, ‘Indigent Misfits or Shrewd Operators?’ and for an extended analysis see ibid., ‘Government-Assisted Emigration from the United Kingdom to Australia 1831–1860: Promotion, Recruitment and the Labouring Poor’ (Doctoral dissertation; Flinders University of South Australia 1992).Google Scholar See also Crowley, F.K., ‘British Migration to Australia: 1860–1914’ (Doctoral dissertation, Oxford University 1951).Google Scholar

15 Haines, ‘Indigent Misfits or Shrewd Operators?’, 223.

16 Conceptual issues have been analysed and criticised by, among others, a prominent geographer who has argued that ‘an excessive preoccupation with [migration] theory by most economists has done a certain violence to reality’. See Wilbur, Zelinsky, ‘The Impasse of Migration Theory: A Sketch Map for Potential Escapees’ in: Morrison, Peter A. ed., Population Movements: Their Forms and Functions in Urbanization and Development (Leige 1981) 34.Google Scholar The most recent economists' text is edited by Jeffrey Williamson and Timothy Hatton, Migration and the International Labour Market, 1850–1939 (London 1994).Google Scholar In addtion to works mentioned above and below, pioneering but still influential theoretical analyses in this field include Jerome, Harry, Migration and Business Cycles (New York 1926)Google Scholar; Hansen, Marcus Lee, The Atlantic Migration 1607–1860 (1940Google Scholar; rev. ed. 1961); Thomas, Brinley, Migration and Economic Growth: A Study of Great Britain and the Atlantic Economy (Cambridge 1954)Google Scholar; Williamson, Jeffrey, ‘Migration to the New World: Long term Influences and Impact’, Explorations in Economic History 11 (1974) 357–389CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jones, Maldwyn, ‘The Background to Emigration from Great Britain in the Nineteenth Century’ in: Dislocation and Emigration: The Social Background of American Immigration 7 (1973) 3–94Google Scholar; Gould, J.D., ‘European Inter-Continental Emigration 1815–1914: Patterns and Causes’,,Journalof Economic History 8 (1979) 593–679.Google Scholar

17 Of Broeze's many articles see in particular, ‘Private Enterprise and the Peopling of Australia, 1831–1850’, Economic History Review 25 (1982) 235–252. See also Haines, ‘Indigent Misfits or Shrewd Operators?’.Google Scholar

18 McDonald and Shlomowitz, ‘Passenger Fares on Sailing Vessels to Australia in the Nineteenth Century’. Passenger fares for the voyage to the Cape Colony and Natal were reported in the annual reports of the CLEC. In 1850, for example, the average passenger costs was £7.5 for the Cape Colony and £11.4 for Australian colonies, but costs rose dramatically during the Crimean War.

19 See, for example, Erickson, ‘Emigration from the Brirish Isles to the USA in 1841’. The focus on US streams has led to an assumption that agricultural workers were less inclined to emigrate than their town and city counterparts. Yet comparative data suggest that rather than Australia receiving the US ‘spillover’, as many historians have argued, that insofar as rural workers are concerned, in years when government-assisted passages were available, agricultural labourers tended to choose Australia. See Haines, ‘Indigent Misfits or Shrewd Operators?’, 242–246, esp. Tables 7 and 8.

20 This proposition was put forward nearly forty years ago by Shepperson who used a wide range of parliamentary, newspaper and other published reportage to conclude, in British Emigration to North America: Projects and Opinions in the Early Victorian Period (Minneapolis 1957) 243Google Scholar, that ‘as a practical movement emigration was almost entirely initiated, conducted, and sustained by the people themselves. It was a self-impelled, personally arranged, and individually financed adventure’ which was aided by a wide-range of philanthropic organisations.

21 Butlin, N.B. in: Forming a Colonial Economy: Australia 1810–1850 (Canberra 1994)CrossRefGoogle Scholar argues that assisted emigration to Australia may have been a form of ‘proto-transportation’ whereby the criminal classes were shovelled out, via the workhouses, to Australia. See esp. 9, 18, 27. Although less strident, Geoffrey Blainey in: A Shorter History of Australia (Melbourne 1994), puts forward a similar view. See esp. 52–53.Google Scholar Lacking footnotes, both texts paraphrase the classic views of Madgwick, R.B., Immigration into Eastern Australia (rev. ed. 1969) 215Google Scholar, 249, passim and Crawford, R.M., Australie (rev. ed. 1979).Google Scholar Madgwick's classic and pioneering study on which most secondary studies rely heavily, did not assess the immigrants’ characteristics by either using passenger lists or immigration agents' reports, but drew on impressionistic evidence which, due to tensions between the colonial and imperial administrators, always conveyed negative impressions of immigrants even in the face of contrary contemporary evidence. For views which oppose Madgwick and Crawford (and therefore Butlin and Blainey) see Shultz, ‘Assisted Immigration into New South Wales and Port Phillip District 1837–1850’; Crowley, “British Migration to Australia: 1860–1914”; Haines,‘“Shovelling out Paupers?” ’; ibid, ‘Indigent Misfits or Shrewd Operators’.

22 For a discussion on this question raised by Mokyr and Tranter see Richards, ‘British Poverty and Australian Immigration in the Nineteenth Century’ in: Richards ed., Poor Australian Immigrants in the Nineteenth Century 4, 28.

23 For some criticisms of the ad hoc nature of push/pull analysis see Baines, , Migration in a Mature Economy (Cambridge 1985) 20, passimGoogle Scholar; Pope, David, ‘The Push-Pull Model of Australian Migration’, Australian Economic History Review 16 (1976) 152CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Erickson, ‘Explanatory Models in Immigration and Migration Research’, 13; ‘Emigration from the British Isles to the USA in 1831’, 175; ‘Emigration from the British Isles to the USA in 1841, part II’, 21; Zelinsky, ‘An Impasse in Migration Theory’, 27; Jones, ‘The Background to Emigration from Britain in the Nineteenth Century’, 28 passim; Williamson, ‘Migration to the New World’, 357–389 and see the introduction to Marks, Shula and Richardson, Peter eds, International Labour Migration: Historical Perspectives (London 1984)Google Scholar for a critique of the theoretical debate, esp. 3–9. David Fitzpatrick argues that the repulsion/attraction dichotomy is, in a sense, ‘false since both “push” and “pull” are prerequisite to every decision leading to migration’ in Irish Emigration 1801–1921. (Dublin 1985) 26.Google Scholar More recent analyses include Baines, Emigration from Europe 1815–1930, Macmillan (London 1991)Google Scholar passim and, more particularly, ibid., ‘European Emigration 1815–1930: looking at the Emigration Decision again’. Economic History Review 47 (1994) 525–544, and Hatton and Williamson eds, Migration and International Labor Markets.Google Scholar

24 Thistlethwaite, in ‘Migration from Europe’, 77, argued that ‘only in the impossible world of economic abstractions could Hansen's desire to move be conceived of as mere economic opportunity’. See also 75, 80.

25 Erickson, ‘Explanatory Models in Immigration and Migration Research’, 13; Bailyn, Bernard, ‘The Challenge of Modern Historiography’, The American Historical Review 87 (1982) 1–3.Google Scholar

26 To illustrate this point Thislethwaite suggests that although the Netherlands suffered the greatest population increase in Northern Europe during the 19th century, emigration was minimal. Similarly, Price, Charles in Malta and the Maltese: a study of nineteenth century migration (Melbourne 1954)Google Scholar shows that during the 19th century Maltese workers, suffering under extreme Malthusian pressures at home, resisted attempts to assist them to relocate to regions of potential economic advancement (for example, Australia) but chose instead to live in nearby regions (for example, in North Africa) under extremely limiting socio-economic conditions but from where it was always possible to visit, or to relocate to, Malta.

27 Erickson was referring to the difficulty in interpreting the extent to which “expulsive forces’ stimulated by cyclical depressions or structural transition were responsible for fluctuations and/or trends in British emigration to the US. See ‘Emigration from the British Isles to the USA in 1841’ I and II, Population Studies 43 (1989) 367Google Scholar; Ibid., 44 (1990) 31 and ‘Emigration from the British Isles to the USA in 1831’. See also Leaving England: Essays on British Emigration in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca 1994)Google Scholar

28 Erickson, ‘Emigration from the British Isles to the USA in 1841’ I, 367

29 Baines, Migration in a Mature Economy, 141. See also, 6. For a similar analytical approach to Irish ‘cohort depletion’ see Fitzpatrick, David, Irish Emigration 1801–1921 (Dublin 1985)Google Scholar and ibid., ‘Emigration, 1801–1807’ in: Vaughan, W.E. ed., A New History of Ireland 5 (Oxford 1989)Google Scholar

30 Baines, Migration in a Mature Economy, 178. See also, 4–7, 87, 127, 141–143, 166, 172, 176–178

31 Shlomowitz, , ‘Nominated and selected Government-Assisted Immigration from the United Kingdom to Australia, 1’,Journal of the Historical Society of South Australia 20 (1992) 151–155Google Scholar

32 See W. Pearce's report to the Select Committee on Colonization, Appendix 5, British Parliamentary Papers XI, 1890–1891 (152) 74

33 Philanthropic agencies included organisations affiliated with Anglican and non-conformist churches and a number of emigration societies, often chaired by local clergymen and supported by local gentry, which subsidised ‘deserving’ candidates by donating or lending passage deposits and clothing. Exceptions to the legislation governing poor-law subsidies occurred from time to time, but under strict guidance from the central Poor Law Commission. Most notable was the Earl Grey scheme when several thousand Irish women were recruited from workhouses during the famine and after (1848–1854) at a time when domestic servants were in great demand in the Australian colonies.

34 Exceptions to this include private genealogical research which is currently producing many well-researched and imaginatively conceived family histories which trace lineage in both donating and receiving countries. There is currently room for innovative synthesis of published studies.

35 See, for example, Erickson's pathbreaking study of emigrant letters, Invisible Immigrants (London 1982).Google Scholar

36 Bailyn, , The Peopling of British Peripheries in the Eighteenth Century (Canberra 1988)Google Scholar; Ibid., The Peopling of British North America: An Introduction (New York 1986); Ibid., Voyages to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York 1988). Bailyn's integrative study of English and Scots emigrants to America between 1773 and 1776, is based on the quantitative analysis of shipping registers in those years which allowed a ‘career-line analysis’ of each named emigrant. By judicious collation of diverse quantitative and descriptive sources located in the UK and the US including newspaper and parliamentary reportage, official correspondence, parish and other local records, genealogical data and private manuscript sources, he produced a narrative synthesis which is shared by the studies of Brij Lal for India and Fiji, Girmitiyas: The Origins of the Fiji Indians (Canberra 1983)Google Scholar and Gjerde, Jon for Norway and the US, From Peasants to Farmers (Cambridge 1985).Google Scholar

37 This is particularly true of Norway. See Gjerde, From Peasants to Farmers.

38 See Richards’ discussion of this point in Fitzpatrick, David ed., Visible Immigrants (Canberra 1990) 13.Google Scholar This comment does not, of course, apply to Irish emigration which is covered by an extensive secondary literature including Fitzpatrick, , Oceans of Consolation (Ithaca 1995).Google Scholar

39 Gjerde, From Peasants to Farmers, 295.

40 Hempstead, Peter H., “Halfway across the World: Emigration from Bedfordshire’, The Bedfordshire Magazine 18 (1982)Google Scholar

41 Based on Charles Buller's speech to the House on 6 April 1843 which was published as a pamphlet On Systematic Colonization and later included in: Wakefield's, E.G.A View of the Art of Cobnizalion (London 1849)Google Scholar, these arguments were reiterated for a number of years in mid-century by public speeches (published in the press), articles and pamphlets and in correspondence with the Colonial Office by Francis Scott, MP and his colleague W.H.G. Kingston, the author, who combined to form a formidable and influential duo in this field. See, for example, Speech of the Hon. Francis Scott, MP (London 1848) 10.Google Scholar

42 Household Words was deliberately priced to attract the literate lower classes and its weekly readership was equivalent to the daily readership of The Times. See Stone, Harry ed., The Uncollected Writings of Charles Dickens: Household Words 1850–9 (London 1969) 13.Google Scholar Dickens was well aware of the attraction of emigration matters to his working-class reading public and continued to include articles on Australia in Household Words and its successor, All the Year Round.

43 For example, in November 1849, Samuel Sidney's Sidney's Emigrant's Journal (London 1848)Google Scholar, originally priced at twopence for each weekly edition, was collected into one foolscap folio volume of 346 pages priced at 10s6d. entitled Encyclopaedia for Emigrants. In the same year he also published a sixpenny Sidney's Emigrant's Journal and Traveller's Gazette and his The Three Colonies of Australia was reprinted the year following its publication in London in 1852. Meanwhile, his Sidney's Australian Handbook (London 1848)Google Scholar was reprinted nine times by November 1849. Many of the emigrant guides and handbooks were dedicated to Australasia but included long segments on the Cape Colony and Natal. Far fewer South African guides were published but include Byrne, J.C., Emigrants' Guide to the Cape of Good Hope … with a map of the Colony (London 1848)Google Scholar; Arbuthnot, James, Emigrants' Guide Book to Port Natal.… with Newly Constructed Map of the Colony (Aberdeen 1862)Google Scholar; Kermode, William, Natal: Its Early History, Rise, Progress and Future Prospects as a Field for Emigration (London 1882).Google Scholar

44 See Baker, Mark, ‘Aspects of the Life of the Wiltshire Agricultural Labourer, c. 1850’, Wiltshire Archaeological Magazine 74/75 (1981) 161–169Google Scholar; Ibid., ‘Some early Wiltshire Emigrants to Australia’, The Hatcher Review 2/17 (Spring 1984) 328–334; Ibid., ‘A Migration of Wiltshire Agricultural Labourers to Australia’, Journal of the Historical Society of South Australia 14 (1986) 67–81.

45 See, for example, Fitzpatrick, Oceans of Consolation; Ibid, ed., Visible Immigrants; Richards ed., Poor Australian Immigrants in the Nineteenth Century: Visible Immigrants Two (Canberra 1991); O'Farrell, Patrick, Letters from Irish Australia 1825–1929 (Sydney 1984)Google Scholar; Haines, , ‘Therapeutic Emigration: Some South Australian and Victorian Experiences’, Journal of Australian Studies 33 (1992) 76–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

46 See Haines, ‘Shovelling out Paupers’.

47 Family-reunion was also a well-worn official theme from the onset of colonisation. The central government and local authorities strongly supported the family reunion of families of transported convicts. But they did not ship wives out wholesale in the hope of freeing the parish of their upkeep during periods of unemployment. When wives of convicts appealed for help to join their husbands in Australia local parishes, if they considered the wife deserving of assistance, combined with the central government and, sometimes, local private charity, to enable her to gain a passage on a government ship.

48 It is unwise, however, to assume that all full-fare paying passengers paid their own fare. Evidence suggests that extended families often banded together to send a pioneering member to evaluate their future chances in the colony during periods when government assistance was unavailable, or if they belonged to occupations not covered by the regulations. Letters often enclosed bank drafts home to contribute towards passages and passengers who had not received government assistance, were often subsidised by charities or societies like, for example, Caroline Chisholm's Family Loan Society or Sidney Herbert's Female Emigration Society which helped middle class women who were down on their luck. These unknown, but probably large, numbers of passengers who received private subsidies to secure a full-fare, appear as unassisted passengers in the government data and therefore in the estimates in note 3.

49 Thistlethwaite, ‘Migration from Europe Overseas’, 68.

50 Haines, ‘Health, Hygiene and History: Emigrant Voyages and Health Regimes in the 19th Century’ (Flinders University of South Australia; forthcoming). On births and deaths on these ocean voyages, see Shlomowitz, and McDonald, , ‘Babies at Risk on Immigrant Voyages to Australia in the Nineteenth Century’, Economic History Review 44 (1991) 86–101CrossRefGoogle Scholar; McDonald, and Shlomowitz, , ‘Mortality on Immigrant Voyages to Australia in the 19th-century’, Explorations in Economic History 27 (1990) 84–113.CrossRefGoogle Scholar