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The transformation of the Society of United Irishmen into a mass-based revolutionary organisation, 1794-6

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2016

Nancy J. Curtin
Nancy J. Curtin*
Affiliation:
University of Wisconsin, Madison
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Extract

The Society of United Irishmen, formed in the autumn of 1791 as a middle-class club dedicated to achieving parliamentary reform and catholic emancipation, was eventually transformed into a mass-based, secret revolutionary organisation determined to establish a non-sectarian republic in Ireland. Approaching near extinction in 1794, the United Irishmen recovered within the next two years to become a formidable revolutionary threat. With amazing rapidity the United Irishmen managed to harness a politically-discontented middle class, radical artisans and tradesmen, economically and socially vexed peasants, amfa loose association of catholic agrarian rebels commonly known as Defenders into a more or less coherent force. The swiftness with which this” alliance was formed, burdened as it was with tensions along class and sectarian lines, was matched only by the quickness with which it collapsed under the strain of internal dissension and vigorous government repression.

Type
Research Article
Information
Irish Historical Studies , Volume 24 , Issue 96 , November 1985 , pp. 463 - 492
Copyright
Copyright © Irish Historical Studies Publications Ltd 1985

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References

1 See, e.g., R.B. McDowell, Ireland in the age of imperialism and revolution , 1760-1801 (Oxford, 1979), pp 443-4, 470-73, who argues that there were two successive United Irish organisations in the 1790s.

2 For a discussion of these divisions, see Elliott, Marianne, Partners in revolution the United Irishmen and France (New Haven, 1982), pp 165-6Google Scholar, 189-213.

3 For the Volunteer revival and the United Irish influence within it, see Northern Star (hereinafter N.S. ), 23 May, 23 June, 23 July, 28 July, 7 Nov 1792; The report of the secret committee of the house of commons (Dubiin, 1798), pp 40–41 Google Scholar; Dr William Drennan to Samuel McTier, (?) Feb. 1793 (The Drennan letters , ed. D.A. Chart (Belfast, 1931), pp 128-9).

4 See the published resolutions of the delegates from ten Masonic lodges meeting in Lisburn entitled ‘Freemasons, political but not voluntary slaves', the resolutions of the Randalstown Masons, and particularly those of the assembly of County Tyrone Masons. This latter assembly, representing 1,432 Freemasons, described graphically the desperate conditions of the Irish poor and called for radical parliamentary reform and catholic emancipation as necessary remedies (N.S. , 16 Jan. 1793). Dr James Reynolds, a notorious United Irishman from Cookstown, presided over the assembly which also included Dr James Caldwell from Magherafelt, examined as a United Irishman before the secret committee of the Irish house of lords in 1793, and William Richardson, a Moy shopkeeper and active political radical, who was arrested in 17% as a United Irish agitator (MS., 20 Mar. 1793; Freeman s Journal (hereafter FJ.), 26 Mar. 1793, 15 Mar. 17%; Gen. Knox to E. Cooke, 6 May 1798, S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/37/3). Although freemasonry contributed greatly to the growth and development of the United Irishmen, it also provided recruits for conservative and loyalist forces (N.S. , 28 Jan. 1793). For radical pronouncements by presbyterian assemblies, see N.S., 28 Nov 1792, 8 Jan. — 30 Jan. 1793, 29 June 1793. For a discussion of the role of presbyterian ministers in the United Irish movement, see David W Miller, ‘Presbyterianism and “modernization” in Ulster’ in Past and Present, no. 80 (Aug. 1978), pp 66-90.

5 N.S., 16, 20 Feb. 1793; Faulkner s Dublin Journal, 16 Feb. 1793.

6 N.S., 21 Jan. 1792; Rep. secret com., p. 94.

7 R.B. McDowell (ed.), ‘Select documents—II: United Irish plans of parliamentary reform, 1793’ in I.H.S. , iii, no. 9 (Mar 1942), pp 40-41; Douglas to Nepean, 24 Jan. 1794 (P.R.O., H.O. 100/51/98-100).

8 Rep. secret com., pp 77-103.

9 Martha McTier to Drennan, 1 Apr. 1793 (Drennan letters , p. 169); R.B. McDowell, The proceedings of the Dublin Society of United Irishmen’ in Anal. Hib., no. 17 (1949), p. 69.

10 Drennan wrote to his brother-in-law, Samuel McTier, ‘their great aim is to get rid of us by prosecution, persecution, or the terror of it’ (Drennan to McTier, 14 July 1794, Drennan letters , p. 211). For trials of United Irishmen, see Report of the trial of Archibald Hamilton Rowan … (Dublin, 1794); A full report of the trial … of William Drennan, M.D. … (Dublin, 1794); A faithful report of the trial of the proprietors of the Northern Star … (Belfast, 1794); A faithful report of the second trial of the proprietors of the Northern Star … (Belfast, 1795).

11 N.S., 12 Dec. 1792; Belfast News-letter (hereafter B.N.L ), 15 Mar 1793; Hobart to Gen. White, 11 Mar. 1793 (PRO., H.O. 100/43/157). The provocation for the suppression of the Volunteers in Dublin came from the formation of a French-inspired new corps called the National Guards (Westmoreland to Dundas, 5 Dec. 1792, ibid., 100/38/115-18).

12 Hobart to Nepean, 9 Jan. P93 (PRO., H.O., 100/42/67-8); Cooke to Nepean, 26 Feb. 1793 (ibid., 100/43/15-17); A.P.W. Malcomson, John Foster: the politics of the Anglo-Irish ascendancy (Oxford, 1978), pp xx-xxiii.

13 Lecky, Ire. (1898 ed.). iii, 176-81; McDowell, Ire. pp 412-18. One observer noted: nothing short of perfect equality will content them [the catholics] and the boons now likely to be conferred upon them they will despise’ (George Knox to marquis of Abercom. 17 Jan. [1792], P.R.O.N.I., Abercorn papers, T.2541/IBI/3/3).

14 Lecky Ire. iii, 193-5.

15 William Sampson, The trial of the Rev. William Jackson (Dublin, 1795); Westmoreland to Pitt, 8 May 1794 (P.R.O., Chatham papers, 30/8/331/238-41); Westmoreland to Dundas, 12 May 1794 (P.R.O., H.O., 100/52/46-7).

16 Cooke to Nepean, 26 May 1794 (P.R.O., H.O. 100/52/72-3); McDowell, Proceedings of the Dublin Society of United Irishmen, pp 127-8.

17 See R.B. McDowell, “The Fitzwilliam episode’ in I.H.S. , xvi, no. 58 (Sept. 1966), pp 115-30; Lecky. Ire. , iii, 238-324.

18 Edmund Burke to William Windham, 16 Oct. 1794 (The correspondence of Edmund Burke , viii, ed. R.B. McDowell (Cambridge, 1969), pp 37-9

19 Fitzwilliam to Grattan, 23 Aug. 1794 (Henry Grattan, jr (ed.), Memoirs of the life and times of the Rt Hon. Henry Grattan (4 vols, London, 1842), iv, 18).

20 William Wentworth Fitzwilliam, 4th earl Fitzwilliam, Second letter to the earl of Carlisle (London, 1795), pp 8-9

21 George Knox wrote to Abercorn: ‘I am sorry this administration is overthrown, not only on account of the good they would have done, but on account of the mischief their removal will create. Though we may not have violence and tumults — and that is doubtful — there will be in consequence of it a sullen indignation among the middle ranks and an alarm among the upper which well defeat all attempts to unite or invigorate the country. (Knox to Abercorn, 4 Mar 1795, P.R.O.N.I., Abercorn papers, T.254I/IB 1/6/9). Public meetings in Belfast and Dublin proclaimed their dismay at Fitz-william s recall (B.N.L, 2 Mar 1795; N.S. , 5, 9 Mar 1795). In contrast to the public regret expressed over Fitzwilliam s departure was a riot in Dublin on the occasion of the arrival of his successor. Earl Camden. The particular objects of popular fury were the lord chancellor Lord Fitzgibbon (afterwards earl of Clare), and the chief commissioner of revenue, John Beresford, who were regarded with some justification as the two architects of the change in administration and stalwart opponents of reform and emancipation (Camden to Portland, 1 Apr. 1795, P.R.O., H.O., 100/57/41-4; Pelham to John King, 1 Apr. 1795, ibid., no. 45). Some members of the Catholic Committee and their republican allies organised this demonstration against the new regime (F[rancis] H[igguis] to Sackville Hamilton, 10 Apr. 1795, Kent County Archives Office, Pratt papers, U840/0143/2).

22 Thomas Addis Emmet, ‘Part of an essay towards the history of Ireland’ in MacNeven, William James, Pieces of Irish history (New York, 1807), pp 76-8.Google Scholar

23 Report secret com., p. 48.

24 H[ugh] White of Clady to John Wright, secretary of the Ballyclare Independent Volunteers, 26 Feb. 1793 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/20/11); N.S. , 5, 15 Dec. 1792; Report secret com. , pp 40-41; McDowell, ‘Proceedings of the Dublin Society of United Irishmen', p. 29

25 Diary of Thomas Russell, 1793 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/20/33); Account book of Thomas Russell, 1793 (ibid., 620/20/35).

26 Robert Graham to Dublin Castle, 28 Mar 1793 (ibid., Rebellion papers, 620/20/15).

27 Hobart to Nepean, 9. 18 Jan. 1793 (P.R.O., H.O. 100/42/68-70, 120-21); Hobart memorandum, 8 Feb. 1793 (ibid., no. 270).

28 Examination of John Mitchell of Ballynashee, Co. Antrim, c. 17% (P.R.O.I., Frazcr papers, IA 40.11 la/16).

29 Drennan to McTier, 30 Oct. 1794 (P.R.O.N.L, Drennan letters, T 765/532).

30 Address from Loughmore Society of United Irishmen, 8 Nov. 1794 (B.L., Pelham misc. state papers. Add. MS 33118, f. 247).

3l Charles Hamilton Teeling, Personal narrative of the Irish rebellion of 1798 (London, 1828), p. 2

32 Note on the history of the constitution of the United Irishmen (T.C.D.. Sirr paper MS 868/1.f. 1

33 Memoir, or detailed statement of the origin and progress of the Irish union, delivered to the Irish government by Messrs Emmet, O'Connor and MacNeven, August the 4th, 1798’ in MacNeven, Pieces , pp 176-7, 180.

34 Examination of Michael Lowry, 19. 26 Aug. 1796 (P. R.O.I., Frazer papers, IA 40. 111/49); Examination of Andrew Agnew (ibid., IA 40. 11 la/8).

35 MacNeven, Pieces , pp 225-7

36 Drennan to McTier, 2 Aug. 1794 (P.R.O.N.I., Drennan letters, T.765/519).

37 A. M—n, Carrickfergus, to John Patrick, 4 Apr 1795 (Kent C.A.O., Pratt papers, U840/0144/3/1-2).

38 N.S. , 15 Dec. 1792.

39 Ibid., 28 Apr. 1792, 6 Feb. 1793.

40 N.S., 15 Dec. 1792; Arrest warrants, 14 Sept. 17% (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/25/60); information from John Smith, alias Bird, 17% (ibid., 620/27/1).

41 Martha McTier to Drennan, 28 Oct. 1792 (P.R.O.N.I., Drennan letters, T 765/345).

42 Anon. letter from Belfast, 1 Nov. 1792 (P.R.O., Chatham papers, 30/8/331/88-9).

43 B.N.L 14 Oct. 1796 N.5., 11 Nov. 1796; Arrest warrants, 14 Sept. 1796 (S.P.O.I , Rebellion papers, 620/25/60).

44 B.N.L, 10 Oct. 1792.

45 Notes by John Smith on U.I. leaders, c. 17% (P.R.O.I., Frazer papers, IA 40.11 la/40); Arrest warrants, 14 Sept. 17% (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/25/60); information from John Smith, 17% (ibid., 620/27/1).

46 See A faithful report of the trial of the proprietors of the Northern Star.

47 Martha McTier to Drennan, [Mar 1795] (P.R.O.N.I., Drennan letters, T.765/548).

48 List of Jacobin Club members and principal republicans in Belfast', [June 1795] (Kent C.A.O., Pratt papers, U840/0147/4/2).

49 Hamilton to Nepean, 14 July 1794 (P.R.O., H.O., 100/52/159).

50 Drennan to McTier, [Oct. 1794] (Drennan letters , pp 214-15). Henry Jackson was a wealthy iron-founder

51 Drennan to McTier [Oct. 1794] 30 Oct. 1794 (P.R.O.N.I., Drennan letters, T 765/524, 532).

52 Information of John Smith, alias Bird, c. 17% (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/27/1); John Smith to Cooke. 9 July 17% (P.R.O.I., Frazer papers, IA 40.11 la/20); Lecky, Ire. , iii, 206-8. 231-2; R.B. McDowell, ‘The personnel of the Dublin Society of United Irishmen, 179M’ in I.H.S. , ii, no. 5 (Mar 1940), pp 12-53.

53 Johh Pollock to Pelham, 16 Apr. 1795 (Kent C.A.O., Pratt papers, U840/0143/7); J. Sheridan to James Crawford, 21 Apr. P95 (ibid., no. 9.); J.W. to —, 22 Apr 1795 (ibid., no. 11); T.i.e. Boyle, to - (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/18/3); Francis Higgins to — (ibid., no. 14). For additional radical clubs in Dublin at this time, see below, pp 478-9

54 For a discussion of these tensions and divisions, see Elliott, Partners , pp 150-54, 165-6, 189-213. For rank-and-file distrust of the leadership, see ‘The autobiographical memoir of James Hope’ in Madden, R.R., Antrim and Down in ‘98 (Glasgow, n.d.), pp 86–153.Google Scholar

55 Rep. secret com., p. 112.

56 Ibid., p. 58.

57 'Memoir … by Messrs Emmet, O'Connor and MacNeven’ in MacNeven, Pieces , p. 176.

58 Ibid., p. 177.

59 Although the United Irishmen drew much support from the Volunteers and the Freemasons, it must be noted that both groups contributed also to the development of Orangeism in Ireland. Masonic lodges were, however, often used after 1795 as fronts for United Irish meetings (Henry Clements to Mrs Clements, 10 Apr 1797, S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/29/206; Andrew Newton to Dublin Castle, 9 Feb. 1798, ibid., 620/35/133; Gen. Knox to Cooke, 6 May 1798, ibid., 620/37/3).

60 See James S. Donnelly. Jr Defenderism: origins and growth, 1785-95’ in his forthcoming book. Secret societies in Ireland; Miller, D.W., ‘The Armagh troubles, 1784-95’ in Clark, Samuel and Donnelly, James S. Jr (eds), Irish peasants: violence and political unrest, 1780-1914 (Manchester 1983), pp 155-91.Google Scholar I should like to thank Professors Donnelly and Miller for making their MSS available to me in advance of publication. Both agree that the escalation of sectarian conflict in Armagh, normally containable, was due to the exercise of biased justice on the part of the magistracy sympathetic to the protestant Peep o Day Boys.

6l Camden to Portland, 25 July 1795 (S.P.O.I.. Rebellion papers, 620/22/19).

62 Hobart to Nepean, 17 June 1793 (PRO., H.O. 100/44/147-50). For Defender aims, see also Camden to Portland, 25 July 1795 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/22/19).

63 Westmoreland to Dundas, 24 May 1793 (P.R.O., H.O., 100/43/319-30). See also George Devenish to Dublin Castle, 11 Apr. 1795 (Kent C.A.O., Pratt papers, U840/0144/7); Camden to Portland, 25 July 1795 (S.P ,0.1., Rebellion papers, 620/22/19). For a discussion of the catholic nationalist aspect of defenderism, see Marianne Elliott, ‘The origins and transformation of early Irish republicanism in International Review of Social History , xxiii (1978), pp 415-22.

64 The influence of Paine s Rights of man on the development of the radical and republican movements in Ireland in the 1790s is difficult to overstate. With an estimated 1,500,000 copies sold in the English-speaking world, it was a phenomenal bestseller (R.R. Palmer, The world of the French revolution (New York, 1971), p. 199). No publication was more industriously circulated by Irish radicals and cheap editions and free copies were distributed throughout Ireland (F.J., 2 June 1792, 5 Jan., 22 Aug. 1793). There is no way of determining how many people in Ireland read the book, but it was circulated informally as well as through libraries and reading societies. In addition, multitudes became familiar with Paine s principles through extracts of Rights of man printed in newspapers and handbills, and through organised oral readings of the work (J.W to —, 13 Apr. 1795, Kent C.A.O., Pratt MS, U840/0144/10; Robert Kee, The green flag: a history of Irish nationalism (London, 1972), p. 44; J.S. Donnelly, Jr, ‘Propagating the cause of the United Irishmen in Studies , ixix (1980), p. 8).

65 Newenham to Ross Mahon, 30 Apr 1795 (Kent C.A.O., Pratt papers, U840/0145/6/2); Camden to Portland, 25 July 1795 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/22/19).

66 Edward Purdon to Pelham, 20 Nov. 17% (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/26/64).

67 Camden to Portland, 25 July 1795 (ibid., Rebellion papers, 620/22/19). For further information on Campble, see letters from informers, n.d. (ibid., 620/18/3, 14); examinations of Michael Phillips, 29 Oct. 1795, and Thomas Kennedy. Mar 1796 (ibid., 620/22/47. 620/23/60); J.W Fleming to Pelham, 27 June 1795 (Kent C.A.O., Pratt papers, U840/0147/14/1); examination of Thomas Mulheran, 27 July 1795 (P.R.O.I., Frazer papers, IA 40.11 la/1).

68 Letters of government informer Francis Higgins (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/18/14); examination of Michael Phillips, 29 Oct. 1795 (ibid., 620/22/47); Edward Boyle to Cooke, 30 July 1796 (ibid., 620/24/68).

69 For information on the occupational status of Dublin Defenders, see the reports of government informer Thomas Boyle (ibid., Rebellion papers, 620/18/3).

70 FJ. , 8 Nov 1792.

71 Ibid., 1 Dec. 1792.

72 Ibid., 6 Dec. 1792.

73 Examination of Thomas Reynolds, 9 May 1798 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620 3 32/23); letters of government informers T ‘ and Francis Higgins (ibid., 620/18/3, 14); examination of Thomas Kennedy. Mar. 1798 (ibid., 620/23/60).

74 Sir Edward Newenham to Dublin Castle, 9 Feb. 1795 (ibid., Rebellion papers, 620/23/30). For Defender overtures to revolutionary France, see Elliott, ‘Origins and transformation of early Irish republicanism , pp 420-21

75 MacNevin, Thomas, The leading state trials in Ireland from the year 1794 to 1803 (Dublin, 1844), pp 350-51.Google Scholar

76 16F.J., 2 Apr 1796.

77 Articles and catechism taken from a Defender in Cavan gaol, 1795 (Kent C.A.O., Pratt papers, U840/0147/8/2).

78 Examination of Thomas Mulheran of Ballyshannon, Co. Donegal, 27 July 1795 (P.R.O.I., Frazer papers, IA 40.11 la/1).

79 Camden to Portland, 25 July 1795 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/22/19).

80 Ibid.

81 For Irish presbyterianism, see A.T.Q. Stewart, The transformation of presbyteriari radicalism in the north of Ireland, 1792-1825’ (unpublished M.A. thesis, Queen s University of Belfast, 1956); David W Miller ‘Presbyterianism and “modernization” in Ulster'; J.M. Barkley. The presbyterian minister in eighteenth-century Ireland’ in J.L.M. Haire (ed.), Challenge and conflict: essays in Irish presbyterian history and doctrine (Antrim, 1981), pp 46-71. For a discussion of the link between protestant theology and revolutionary politics, see Michael Walzer, ‘Puritanism as revolutionary ideology in History and Theory , iii (1963), pp 59-70. For the Roman Catholic hierarchy s reaction to secrei societies, see S.J. Connolly Priests and people in pre-Famine Ireland, 1780-1845 (Dublin, 1982), pp 219-63: P.J. Corish, The catholic community in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Dublin, 1981), pp 118-39. In August 1795 Archbishop John Troy of Dublin issued an address, to be read in all catholic chapels, condemning all catholic members of any combinations of Whiteboys, Rightboys, Defenders, manufacturers oi any others as scandalous and rotten members of our communion’ (P.R.O., H.O., 100/58/243).

82 See Elie Kedourie, Nationalism (new ed., London, 1966, repr. 1979), pp 51-91

83 See Miller, ‘Presbyterianism and “modernization” in Ulster', pp 82-4; Donnelly, ‘Propagating the cause of the United Irishmen', pp 15-21

84 MacNevin, , Leading state trials , p. 420.Google Scholar

85 Ibid., pp 352-75; Letters of government informer T ‘ (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/18/3).

86 Information of John Smith, alias Bird, 1796 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/27/1).

87 R[obert] S[imms] to T.W. Tone, 18 Sept. 1795 (Tone, Life , i, 284).

88 Madden, Antrim and Down. p. 13; see also examination of Phillips, 29 Oct, 1795, and Dr Robert Harding to —, 29 Nov. 17% (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/22/47, 620/26/109); Cooke to Pelham, 4 Dec. 1795 (B.L.. Pelham papers, Add. MS 33101, ff 358-9).

89 Madden. United Irishmen (3rd ser.. 3 vols, London, 1846), ii, 400-1

90 B.N.L , 4 Sept. 1795; letters of T ‘ and Francis Higgins (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/18/3, 14); William Sampson, The memoirs of William Sampson, an Irish exile (London, 1832). pp xxii-xxiii.

91 Examination of James McGucken, Aug. 1798 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/3/32/13); Edmund Boyle to Cooke, 9 Aug. 1796 (ibid., 620/24/93a); Gen. William Fawcett to —, 30 Nov., 6 Dec. 1796 (ibid., 620/26/109); information from John Smith, 1796 (ibid., 620/27/1); piece of information on King v. McCann (P.R.O.I., Frazer papers, IA 40. IIIa/13); Madden, United Irishmen , 3rd ser., ii, 401-3).

92 Camden to Portland, 25 July 1795 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/22/19).

93 See W.H. Crawford, ‘Landlord-tenant relations in Ulster, 1609-1820’ in Irish Economic and Social History , ii (1975), pp 5-21; W.H. Crawford, ‘The influence of the landlord in eighteenth-century Ulster in L.M. Cullen and T.C. Smout (eds), Comparative aspects of Scottish and Irish economic and social history, 1600-1900 (Edinburgh, 1978), pp 193-203; David Dickson, ‘Middlemen’ in Thomas Bartlett and D.W Hayton (eds), Penal era and golden age: essays in Irish history, 1690-1800 (Belfast, 1979), pp 162-85.

94 See E.P Thompson, ‘The moral economy of the English crowd in the eighteenth eentury’ in Past and Present , no. 50 (Feb. 1971), pp 76-136; idem., ‘Patrician society, plebeian culture’ in Journal of Social History , vii (1974), pp 382-405; idem., ‘Eighteenth-century English society: class struggle without class?’ in Social History , iii (1978), pp 133-65.

95 See J.S. Donnelly. Jr, ‘The Rightboy movement, 1785-8’ in Stud. Hib. , nos 17-18 (1977-8), pp 120-202; idem., ‘The Whiteboy movement, 1761-5’ in I.H.S. , xxi, no. 81 (Mar. 1978), pp 20-54; W.A. Maguire, ‘Lord Donegall and the Hearts of Steel’ in ibid., xxi, no. 84 (Sept. 1979), pp 351-76; Thomas Bartlett, ‘An end to moral economy: the Irish militia disturbances of 1793’ in Past and Present , no. 99 (May 1983), pp 41-64

96 Examination of Thomas Mulheran, 27 July 1795 (P.R.O.I., Frazer papers, IA 40.11 la/1); Examination of Thomas Kennedy, Mar 1796 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/23/60).

97 F.J., 3, 6 May 1794; Westmoreland to Pitt, 21 Sept. 1794 (P.R.O., Chatham papers, 30/8/331/256-61); Richard Annesley to Downshire, 28 Nov 1796 (P.R.O.N.I., Downshire papers, D.607/D/355).

98 98 A County Meath Freeholder, A candid and impartial account of the disturbances in the county of Meath in the xears 1792, 1793 and 1794 (Dublin, 1794), pp 6-7

99 Ibid., p. 9; Francis Higgins to Dublin Castle, 13 Apr. 1795 (Kent C.A.O., Pratt papers, U840/0143/3); Cooke to Pelham, 12 Sept. 1795 (B.L., Pelham papers, Add. MS 33101, f. 272); Camden to Portland, 17 Feb. 1796 (P.R.O., H.O. 100/63/177-9).

100 Camden to Portland, 25 July 1795 (S.P ,0.1., Rebellion papers, 620/22/19). Camden was aware that these arbitrary measures would lay his administration open to attack for exceeding the law. He decided not to ask the sanction of the Irish parliament and risk public debate. His anxiety was relieved by the home secretary, the duke of Portland, who applauded Camden“s initiative and energy as perfectly just, manly, and liberal’ (Camden to Portland, 5 May 1795, P.R.O., H.O., 100/57/257-9; Portland to Camden, 11 May 1795. ibid., nos 265-6).

10l Lecky Ire. iii, 420. Owing to the nature of the enterprise and the absence of records, there is no way of determining the exact numbers of those sent to the tenders without trial.

102 MacNeven, Pieces , p. 112.

103 Camden to Portland, 9 Feb. 1796 (P.R.O., H.O., 100/63/142-54). Popular resentment at the act found its way into song, with one ballad asking:

Have you not heard Carhampton did not fly

For crimes which Clare did indemnify?

( Madden, R.R. (ed.), Literary remains of the United Irishmen of 1798 (Dublin, 1887), p. 78 Google Scholar).

104 Senior, Hereward, Orangeism in Ireland and Britain, 1795-1836 (London, 1966), pp 13–14.Google Scholar

105 Dr William Richardson to Abercorn, 22 Feb. 1797 (P.R.O.N.I., Abercorn papers, T.2541/IB3/6/4); R.M. Sibbett, Orangeism in Ireland and throughout the empire (2 vols, Belfast 1914-15), i, 233-4.

106 Lecky, Ire. , iii, 432. See also Patrick Tohall, ‘The Diamond fight of 1795 and the resultant expulsions in Seanchas Ardmhacha , iv (1957), pp 19-50. At least one Armagh magistrate insisted that throughout the troubles, catholics were aggressors and that the expulsions themselves were in reality due to the destruction of their own houses by catholics who were in arrears of rent (Nathaniel Alexander to Dublin Castle, 8 Nov. 1796, S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/26/32).

107 Lord Altamont to Camden, 27 July 1796 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/24/62).

108 MacNeven, , Pieces, p. 215 Google Scholar

109 Ibid., pp 116-17.

1l0 Ibid.. p. 117.

111 Ibid., p. 119.

1l2 Madden, , Antrim and Down , p. 169.Google Scholar

113 Young, R.M., Ulster in ‘98: espisodes and anecdotes (Belfast, 1893), p. 67 Google Scholar

114 Samuel McSkimin, Annals of Ulster from 1790 to 1798 (new ed., Belfast, 1906), p. 41.

1l5 Madden, , Antrim and Down , p.104.Google Scholar

116 See Crawford, W.H., Domestic industry in Ireland: the experience of the linen industry (Dublin, 1972).Google Scholar

117 See reports of Thomas Boyle and Francis Higgins (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/18/3, 14); information of Nicholas Magin (P.R.O.N.I., R.C. Lytton White papers, D.714)- notebook of Denis Browne, 2 May 1797 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/30/6).

118 Thomas Whinnery to —: 1 Oct. 1796 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/25/137); Lord Portarlington to — 10 Oct. 1796 (ibid., no. 156).

119 Examination of William Hart of Carrickfergus, 22 Sept. 1795 (ibid., Rebellior papers. 620/22/41).

120 Examination of John Hill, deserter from the Argyll regiment, (?) Feb. 1798 (ibid.. State of the country papers, carton 154'161).

121 Statements to the secret committee of the house of commons. Dublin: private memoranda by the Right Hon. Thomas Pelham in J.T Gilbert (ed.). Documents relating to Ireland 1795-1804 (Dublin, 1893). p. 107).

122 See ‘Petition from distressed loyalists in Belfast. 10 Oct. 17% (S.P.O.I., Rebellior papers, 620-25'159): George Murdoch to Devonshire, 12 Oct. 17% (ibid., no. 165).

123 Pelham memoranda in Gilbert. Documents , p. 115.

124 Lord O'Neill to Hamilton, 4 June 17% (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers. 620 23/147).

125 Capt. Robert Waddell. Islanderry Co. Down, to Cooke. 20 Oct. 17% (ibid.. Rebellion papers. 620 25 179).

126 Gen. Dairy triple near Armagh to Cooke. 12 Sept. 17% (ibid.. Rebellion papers. 620/25/42).

127 Maj. Cole Hamilton, Beltrim Castle, Co. Tyrone, to Dublin Castle, 7 Sept. 1796 (ibid., Rebellion papers, 620/25/37).

128 Richard Vincent, Cookstown, Co. Tyrone, to Gen. Dalrymple, 24 Aug. 1796 (ibid., Rebellion papers, 620/24/174).

129 Threatening letter forwarded to government, 3 Nov 1796 (ibid., State of the country papers, carton 1015/32).

130 Rev. William Hamilton to Pelham, 22 Dec. 1796, and Richard Griffith to Pelham, 27 Dec. 1796 (ibid., Rebellion papers, 620/26/146, 168).

131 Sgt Lee to Cooke, 23 July 1796 (ibid., 620/24/47); Rev. James Jones to Cooke, 26 Nov. 17% (ibid., 620/26/81).

132 Sgt John Lee to Sackville Hamilton, 13 June 1796 (ibid., 620/23/172); Andrew Macnevin to —, 14 Sept. 1796 (ibid., 620/25/168).

133 Faulkner s Dublin Journal , 9 Apr 1793; MacNeven, Pieces , pp 120-21

134 Cooke to Gen. Nugent, 25 July 1796 (National Army Museum, London, Nugent papers, 6807/174/147-8).

135 Edwaid Boyle to Cooke, 21 June 1796 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/23/187).

136 John Beresford to Lord Auckland, 20 Aug. 1796 (B.L., Auckland papers, Add. MS 34454, ff 47-8).

137 See examination of James McGucken, Aug. 1798 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/3/32/13); Camden to Portland, 25 July 1795 (ibid., 620/22/19); Lord Portarlington to —, 9 Sept. 1796 (ibid., 620/25/40). The inconsistency of the United Irishmen s official attitude towards the sanctity of property is evident in their manifesto, The union, or poor man's catechism , which was industriously circulated as a summary of the radical programme. On p. 7 the catechism states that ‘no man should be deprived of his liberty or property by others', and on p. 8 there is a promise of the division of the ‘ancient estates among the descendants of those Irish families who were pillaged by English invaders’ (ibid., Rebellion papers, 620/43/6). For the millenial expectations of some presbyterian participants in the movement, see Miller, Tresbyterianism and “modernization” in Ulster'

138 William Bristow to Dublin Castle, 31 Mar 1796 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/23/58).

139 Henry Alexander to Dublin Castle, 24 Dec. 1796 (ibid., Rebellion papers, 620/26/150).

140 James Buchanan, Omagh, Co. Tyrone, to Dublin Castle, 14 Sept. 1796, and Anon, to Dublin Castle, 24 Sept. 1796 (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620/25/62, 103). Both correspondents complained that the United Irishmen successfully organised in certain areas by spreading false rumours of the imminent establishment of Orange lodges there.

141 Rev Clotworthy Soden, Maghera, Co. Deny, to Dublin Castle, 30 May 1796 (ibid., Rebellion papers, 620/23/34).

142 Henry Alexander to Dublin Castle, 26 Sept. 1796 (ibid., Rebellion papers, 620/25/112).

141 MacNeven, . Pieces, p. 209.Google Scholar

144 Robert Waddell reported to Lord Downshire that he feared that in Down the United Irishmen and Orangemen were ‘making up their quarrel’ (S.P.O.I., Rebellion papers, 620 26/7); Nathaniel Alexander expressed his alarm at the rapid recruitment of Orangemen to the United Irish cause even in Armagh (Nathaniel Alexander to Henry Alexander, 8 Nov. 1796. ibid., Rebellion papers, 620/26 32); one emissary of the United Irishmen, engaged in swearing men to the union in Tyrone, boasted that he had brought over a great number of Orangemen to the republican cause (examination of John Gornen, 28 Dec. 1796, ibid.. Rebellion papers. 620/26 174). For United Irish defections to the Orange order see Senior. Orangeism, 1795-1836 , pp 22-U7