Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
In the 1930s the British peace movement expanded rapidly from a preserve of small elitist peace societies into a mass phenomenon. More specifically, it was in the period from the Manchurian crisis to the Italo-Ethiopian war that what has been loosely called ‘pacifism’ gained political weight. Whilst its effect on the making of foreign policy has been the subject of much historical inquiry, the manifestations of the peace debate, including the famous Peace Ballot, can best be explained in the domestic context of party and pressure-group politics. The divisive nature of war rejection as an issue then becomes clearly apparent. Indeed the argument that the peace movement was a point of consensus can only be valid at a superficial level. One can agree with Marwick that a ‘middle opinion’ preferring peace to war developed in the thirties.1 But in public discussion about collective security pacifists caused schisms which hindered the clarification of party and pressure-group policies.
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3 Headway (March 1932), p. 51. It was even suggested (in Headway, November 1932), that the formation of a correct judgement about the dispute was more important than any action to give it effect.
4 Copy of Murray to Hills, 31 March 1933, Cecil papers, Add. MSS 51132. See also Murray to Cecil, 7 March 1933, Cecil papers, ibid.; Headway (June 1932), p. 111; L.N.U., , London Bulletin, LIX (June 1933); P. Noel-Baker, ‘Note of the breakdown of the collective system over the Manchurian dispute’, 26 February 1935, Lothian papers, Scottish Record Office, GD 40, 17/108.Google Scholar
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32 Resolution of Edmonton Association, minutes of executive committee, 14 November 1934, National Union of Conservative and Unionist Associations Archives, Conservative Party Central Office; Daily Express (22 December 1933), p. 8. The Rothermere press also advocated ditching Locarno - though on the grounds that it did not yield reciprocal benefits to Britain. The Daily Mail's editorials were not isolationist, but called for an Anglo-French alliance as the prelude to
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39 Ibid., 19th annual meeting, 15–17 June 1938, p. 29; Headway (October 1932), supplement, p. i; L.N.U., Yearbook (1933), p. 18 and (1934), p. 5; L.N.U., London Bulletin, LX (July-August 1933); National Peace Council, Peace year book (1934), p- 7; Freshwater et al. to Murray, n.d. [c. 20 March 1934], Murray papers; News Chronicle (21 December 1933), p. 6.
40 Murray to Austen Chamberlain, 21 July 1934; Dugdale to Chamberlain, 9 November 1934, Austen Chamberlain papers, 40/6/45 and 47, University of Birmingham Library; L.N.U., Minutes of the 15th annual meeting, 26–29 June 1934, P. 29.
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43 Cecil to Baldwin, 26 November 1934, Cecil papers, Add. MSS 51080. See also Murray's letter in The Times (28 November 1934), p. 10.
44 Dalton, Hugh, The fateful years (London, 1957), p. 111; The Times (28 November 1934), p. 15. The Conservative majority in Putney had been 8,521 in 1929.Google Scholar
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