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Political Participation in Britain: a Research Agenda for a New Study*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 March 2014
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HISTORICALLY SPEAKING, THE THEME OF POLITICAL PARTICIpation and the set of issues connected with it are as old as politics itself, because they touch on some of the most central and perennial questions of political life – who decides, where are the boundaries of community and citizenship to be drawn, who benefits, how will decisions be made? However, beyond this, participation has from time to time become a particularly central and salient issue in British politics. In the seventeenth century the issues revolved around the ‘claims of the gentry and merchant classes to play a larger part in the making of government policy’. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the issue moved on to representation of the nonropertied classes – the town worker, the rural worker and Etterly universal suffrage.
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References
1 Thomas, Keith, ‘The United Kingdom’, in Grew, R. (ed.), Crises of Political Development in Europe and the United States, Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1978, Ch. 2, p. 66 Google Scholar. This essay provides an excellent synopsis of the historical record concerning political participation in Britain and its association with other dimensions of political modernization.
2 The most recent legislation, reducing the voting age for all males and females alike to 18, was passed in 1970.
3 Amongst the politicians, see Owen, D., Face the Future, London, Jonathan Cape, 1981 Google Scholar, and Benn, T., Arguments for Socialism, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1980 Google Scholar. The scholars include Pateman, C., Participation and Democratic Theory, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1970 CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Parry, G. (ed.), Participation in Politics, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1972 Google Scholar.
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7 By present‐day standards for the funding of social scientific research in Britain this characterization would seem justified.
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27 Ibid, p. 278.
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33 See W. Hampton, op. cit., 1970.
34 See C. Pateman, op. cit., 1970 and G. Parry, op. cit., 1972.
35 For a sympathetic discussion of these and other problems facing the educative model see Pedersen, J. T., ‘On the Educational Function of Political Participation’, Political Studies, Vol. 30, No. 4, 1982, pp. 557–68.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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38 For a description of one major national elite survey, as an indicator of the possibilities along these lines (and the commensurate resources required) see U. Hoffmann‐Lange, ‘Theoretical and Empirical Problems in the Definition and Selection of National Elites’, European Consortium for Political Research Joint Sessions, Aarhus, 1982.
39 As we explain more fully below, in the section on research design, the study will be conducted not only at the national level by means of a mass sample survey, but also amongst a small number of specially selected local communities in each of which a substantial number of both elite and mass interviews will be undertaken. For an extended discussion of the relative merits of our design as against that of Verba and Nie, see G. Parry and G. Moyser, ‘Political Participation and Community in Britain: Conceptual and Methodological Issues’, American Political Science Association, Annual Meeting, Chicago, 1983, esp. pp. 20–31. Research Report No. 1, Manchester British Political Partition Study.
40 For a discussion of concurrence, see Hansen, S. op. cit., 1975, and, by the same author, ‘Linkage Models, Issues and Community Politics’, American Politics Quarterly, Vol. 6, No. 1, 1978, pp. 3–28.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For further somewhat contradictory findings, see Hill, K. et al., ‘Mass Participation, Electoral Competitiveness and Issue‐Attitude Agreement Between Congressmen and Their Constituents’, British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 9, No. 4, 1979, pp. 507–11.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
41 See S. Hansen, op. cit., 1975, p. 1185, fn. 36.
42 Ibid, pp. 1197–8.
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45 See Hart, V., Distrust and Democracy, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1978.Google Scholar
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