Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
At the battle of Plataia, ‘Ελλησι μέν ισαμενàς ’AντιóΧoυ ἦν ‘θυóμενσ oὗτoς γàρ δ εἴπετo τŵ στρατεúματι τoúτω μάντις τàν ༐óντα ’Hλεîoν καì γένεoς τoû ’Ιαμιδέων κλυτιάδην Λακεδαιμóνιoι ༐̌oιήσαντo λεωσøέτερoν (HerodotOS 9.33.1).
1 Pausanias 6.17.6, where the line is given as: Amathaon-Melampous-Mantios-Oīkles-Amphiaraos-Alkmaion-Klytios (by a daughter of Phegeus of Arkadia).
2 Thus [κλτιάδην in the Oxford text, following Valckenaer, and in Stein's edition.
3 E.g. S. Bouché-Leclercq, , Histoire de la Divination dans l'Antiquité 2 (Paris, 1879), 70Google Scholar (who suggests that they may have started out as a branch of the Iamidai, and been elevated later); Von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, U., Isyllos von Epidauros (Berlin, 1886), 180Google Scholar, n. 37 (‘einen Zweig der Iamiden’); Bourriot, F., Recherches sur la Nature du Genos 1 (Paris, 1976), 364–5Google Scholar; Luraghi, N., Klio 79 (1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 72. See too Hepding, RE 9 (1916), 688 s.v. ‘Iamidai’.
4 Dittenberger, W., Purgold, K. (edd.), Die Inschriften von Olympia = Olympia 5 (Berlin, 1896), nos. 59–141Google Scholar; Weniger, L., ‘Die Seher von Olympia’, ARW 18 (1915), 53–115.Google Scholar
5 Except for two occasions, once when there were two Iamids and once when there were two Klytiads.
6 This is Bιβ[oúλλιoς] øαυστανεινιανóς, an Iamid in ΙνΟ 117 = Weniger no. XXVII (221 a.d.), 114 = XXIX (225 a.d.), 115 = XXX (229 a.d.), 116 = XXXI (233 a.d.), 113 = XXXII (undated), but a Klytiad in 121 = XXXV (245 a.d.) and 122 = XXXVI (265 a.d.). It is possible, given the length of time involved, that the Iamid and the Klytiad were two different people. A trace of the same name is visible in 118 = XXXIII (241 a.d.); in 120 = XXXIV (around the middle of the 250th Olympiad) the third of the four prophets is Bιβoú[λλιoς øαυστανεινινàς ’Aλεξ⋯]νδρoυ (all four are listed thus, without reference to genos).
7 Weniger (n. 4), 64–5, cf. 72: ‘Vermutlich war er geborener Iamide und von den Klytiaden adoptiert’.
8 ‘Itemque Elis in Peloponneso familias duas certas habet, Iamidarum unam, alteram Clutidarum, haruspicinae nobilitate praestantes.'
9 Pease, A. S. (ed.), M. Tulli Ciceronis De Divinatione Liber Primus (Chicago, 1920), 13–15.Google Scholar
10 see Page, D. L., Further Greek Epigrams (Cambridge, 1981), 445–6Google Scholar, no. CXXXVII (with bibliography). Page dates it ‘IV/III B.C.?’.
11 Weniger (n. 4), 59, n. 3.
12 IG 7.1670. I give the text as in P. A. Hansen, CEG 1.176.328 and Addenda in CEG 2, which see for the bibliography. The original publication was by Haussoullier, B., BCW 2 (1878), 589Google Scholar, with a transcription in pl. 26. He restored [T]εισαμενóς, but with no comment. In the following year, Foucart, P., BCH 3 (1879), 134–6Google Scholar, suggested some restorations, noting (136) that Tisamenos was the name of the seer, ‘mais c'est peut-être une coincidence fortuite’. Peek, W., Hermes 72 (1937), 233.2Google Scholar, produced an improved text on revision of the stone. He took as a patronymic. Pritchett, W. K., AJPh 100 (1979), 145–52Google Scholar, republished the text after his own revision. He suggested that there were three dedicants, Teisamenos, Kydadas, and one other (= SEG 29.450).
13 see Pritchett, W. K., AJA 61 (1957), 10CrossRefGoogle Scholar and n. 15.
14 Hansen's objection to this is valid: we should expect either two καí’s or none.
15 Roehl, H., Inscriptiones Graecae Antiquissimae (Berlin, 1882), p. 47Google Scholar no. 143: ‘Nomen κυδάδας Tisameno adiectum potest esse gentilicium.’
16 See e.g. Legrand, Ph. -E., Hérodote. Introduction (Paris, 1942), 186–7Google Scholar (186: ‘Manuscrits et papyri semblent dérivés tous, pour ce qui concerne le fond du texte, d'une même recension, d'une même édition antique, qui, dès les premiers siècles de notre ère, devait être la plus répandue.’
17 Cf. Bourriot, F., Recherches sur la Nature du Genos 1 (Paris, 1976), 362Google Scholar: ‘Tout se passe comme si les Clytiades étaient de notoriété plus récente et de prétensions plus modestes que les Iamides’; and Luraghi, N., Klio 79 (1997), 71–2.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
18 Gardner, E. N., Olympia. Its History and Remains (Oxford, 1925), 152–60Google Scholar; Hopp, J., in Lauffer, S. (ed.), Griechenland (Munich, 1989), 485Google Scholar s.v. ‘Olympia’.
19 I note—but will not pursue the matter—that the names Kydas and Klyt(i)os carry more or less the same message. I am grateful to Peter Hansen for his helpful comments on an earlier draft of this article.