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The Internationalization of China: Foreign Relations At Home and Abroad in the Republican Era

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2009

William C Kirby
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Nothing mattered more. Chinese history during the era of the first Republic was defined and shaped - and must ultimately be interpreted - according to the nature of its foreign relations. While few would dispute the contributions of what Paul Cohen has called a “more interior approach”1 to modern Chinese historical studies in the past two decades, there is no point searching for some uniquely “China-centred” historical narrative for this period. Everything important had an international dimension. The period is bordered by the inauguration of two“new Chinas, ” the Republic of 1912 and the People's Republic of 1949, both of which were patterned on international designs. The difference between those governments shows the progression of international influences. Few Chinese were affected in a direct way by the parliamentary experiment of the early Republic. No Chinese would be unaffected by the lethal blend of Leninism and Stalinism that Mao Zedong called Chinese Communism.

Type
Reappraising Republican China
Information
The China Quarterly , Volume 150 , June 1997 , pp. 433 - 458
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1997

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References

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19 A brief survey may be found in Marc, Mancall, China at the Center: 300 Years of Foreign Policy (New York: Free Press, 1984), pp. 251–54.Google Scholar

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23 See Linda, Benson, The Hi Rebellion: The Moslem Challenge to Chinese Authority in Xinjiang, 1944–1949 (Aimonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1990).Google Scholar

24 See the marvellous account of the Moscow negotiations of 1945 in Xiaoyuan Liu, A Partnership for Disorder: China, the UnitedStates, andtheir Policies for Postwar Disposition of the Japanese Empire, 1941–1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). The citations are from a manuscript version, pp. 304, 306. See also Odd, Ame Westad, Cold War and Revolution: Soviet-American Rivalry and the Origins of the Chinese Civil War (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), pp. 40–41.Google Scholar

25 Taiwan…s loss, interestingly enough, had been taken for granted. Until Japan…s defeat in the war of 1937–1945 seemed likely, no Republican government had challenged the legality of the Treaty of Shimonoseki by which the Qing had ceded the island to Japan; and for no major political movement, including the Communists, had it been terra irredentaGoogle Scholar

26 Zhang, Zhongfu, Diplomatic History of the Republic of China; Hong Junpei, Diplomatic History of the Nationalist Government; Pollard Robert T., China…s Foreign Relations, 1917–1931 (New York: MacmiUan, 1933); Syllabus on Extraterritoriality in China (Nanjing: Citizen…s League, 1929); Keaton, G. W., The Development of Extraterritoriality in China (2 vols.) (London: Longmans, 1928); Liu, Shih Shun, Extraterritoriality: Its Rise and Its Decline (New York:Columbia, 1925); Soulie, Morant G, Extraterritoriality et intirets etrangers en Chine (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1925);Li, Tz-hyung (ed.), Abolition of Extraterritoriality in China (Nanjing: International Relations Committee, 1929);Millard, Thomas F., The End of Extraterritoriality in China(Shanghai: A.B.C. Press, 1931); Wu K'ai-sheng, La politique itrangere du gouvemement national de Chine et la revision des traites inegaux(Paris: M. Giard, 1931). Contemporary documentation of diplomatic activity included: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Division of International Law, Treaties and Agreements with andconcerning China, 1919–1929(Washington, DC: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1929); China, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Treaties of 1928 and Related Papers(Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh, 1929); Permanent Court of International Justice, Affaire relative a la denonciation du traite sino-belge du 2 novembre 1865(Leyde: Socidte d' &litions A. W. Sijthoff, 1929); Adolphe Dubois, “Les accords franco-cinois, ” these, Univ. de Paris, 1928; Sino-Foreign Treaties of 1928: Texts of the Documents Which Lay the New Foundations for Sino-Foreign Relations(Beijing: Peking Leader Press, 1929); Great Britain, Foreign Office, Exchange of Notes between His Majesty's Government of the United Kingdom and the Chinese Government Regarding the Rendition of the British Concession ofChinkiang, Nanking October 31, 1929(London: H.M. Statioinery Office, 1930).Google Scholar

27 This is true also for the latest histories from the PRC: see Shi Yuanhua, Zhonghua minguo waijiaoshi,chs. 4 and 6. This diplomatic history has, of course, long been written from the perspective of foreign powers (e.g. Dorothy Borg, American Policy and the Chinese Revolution, 1925–1928(New York: Macmillan, 1947)). Although recent work on British policy and on the international community in China has employed Chinese materials in an imaginative way, the focus has not been on Chinesediplomacy. See Edmund S. K. Fung's excellent work, The Diplomacy of Imperial Retreat: Britain's South China Policy, 1924–1931(Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1991); and Nicholas Clifford's marvellous Spoilt Children of Empire: Westerners in Shanghai and the Chinese Revolution of the 1920's(Hanover, N.H.: Middlebury College Press, 1991).Google Scholar

28 British Minister to China Miles Lampson, quoted in Iriye, After Imperialism,p. 286.Google Scholar

29 For an enlightening discussion of boycotts as a diplomatic weapon in a later context see Donald A. Jordan, Chinese Boycotts versus Japanese Bombs: The Failure of China's “Revolutionary Diplomacy,” 1931–32(Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1991).Google Scholar

30 United States State Department, Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States(Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1926), Vol. I, pp. 923–27.Google Scholar On the American Minister's sense of betrayal see Ibidpp. 930–34.

31 Levi, Modern China's Foreign Policy,p. 192.Google Scholar

32 Waldron refers to Beiyang-era negotiations in his review of Yongjin Zhang, China in the International System,in The China Quarterly,No. 131 (September 1992), p. 797.

33 Julia C. Strauss, Strong Institutions in Weak Polities: Personnel Policies and State Building in China, 1927–1940(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998). (Citation is from manuscript, p. 246.)

34 William C. Kirby, “Traditions of centrality, authority, and management in modern China's foreign relations,” in David Shambaugh and Thomas W. Robinson (eds.), Chinese Foreign Policy: Theory and Practice(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994), pp. 13–29.

35 On wartime negotiations over Hong Kong see Liu Xinli, “Chongqing guornin zhengfu yu Yingguo zhengfu guanyu Xianggang wenti de jiaobu” (“Diplomatic initiatives of the Chongqing National Government and the British Government regarding Hong Kong”), Jindaishi yanjiu {Modern Historical ResearchNo. 4 (1994), pp. 191–200. Chan Lau Kit-ching, China, Britain and Hong Kong, 1895–1945(Hong Kong, Chinese University Press, 1990), p. 327, shows how the Pacific War delayed the issue of Hong Kong and that during the war even Churchill had come to believe that Hong Kong would go the way of Wei-hai-wei. See also Kevin P. Lane, Sovereignty and the Status Quo: The Historical Roots of China's Hong Kong Policy(Boulder: Westview, 1990).

36 Great Britain, Foreign Office, F979/156/10, minute by Pratt, 31 January 1927, cited in Clifford, Spoilt Children of Empire,p. 189.

37 Great Britain, Foreign Office, FO 405/252/16, Chamberlain to Tilley, 13 January 1927; Survey of International Affairs(London: Royal Institute of International Affairs), 1927, p. 377.

38 Great Britain, Foreign Office, FO 800/260/421, Chamberlain to Lampson, 4 April 1927. Quoted also in Fung, Diplomacy,pp. 131–32.

39 See Guoqi Xu, “Age of innocence: the First World War and China's quest for national identity, “ Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, in progress.

40 Zhang Yongjin, China in the International System, 1918–20(London: Macmillan, 1991). Zhang's conception of international society as the expansion of “the international society of European states” is drawn from Hedley Bull and A. Watson (eds.), The Expansion of International Society(Oxford: Clarendon 1984).

41 Robert Keohane, “Partnerships and alignments: neorealist and institutionalist analyses, “ p. 6. Paper presented to the conference on Patterns of Cooperation in the Foreign Relations of Modern China, Wintergreen, August 1987.

42 On Chinese reactions to the failure of League internationalism see Ian Nish, Japan's Struggle with Internationalism: Japan, China and the League of Nations, 1931–33(London: Kegal Paul International, 1993).

43 W. R. Louis, British Strategy,p. 135.

44 Garver, Chinese-Soviet Relations,pp. 192–96, shows that this status was not simply a gift to China, based on future expectations of it by the Americans, British and Soviets, but a hard-won diplomatic achievement.

45 William C. Kirby, Germany and Republican China(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984); Franchise Kreissler, L &Action culturelle allemande en Chine. De la fin du XIXe siecle a la Seconde Guerre mondiale(Paris: Editions de la Maison des sciences de Phomme, 1989); Kuo Heng-yti (ed.), Von der Kolonialpolitik zur [Cooperation. Studien zur Geschichte der deutsch-chinesischen Beziehungen(Munchen: Minerva, 1986).

46 See Garver, Chinese-Soviet Relations;He Jun, “Lun 1929–1939 nian de Zhong Su guanxi” (“Sino-Soviet relations, 1929–39”), dissertation, Nanjing University, 1986.

47 A small sample of work includes: Dorothy Borg, The United States andthe Far Eastern Crisis of 1933–1938(Cambridge, MA, 1964); Warren I. Cohen, America's Response to China(New York, 1980); Ta-jen Liu, History of Sino-American Relations, 1840–1974(Taipei, 1978); Michael Schaller, The U.S. Crusade in China, 1938–1945(New York, 1979); Wilma Fairbank, America's Cultural Experiment in China, 1912–1949(Washington, DC, 1976). Contemporary Chinese perspectives include Zhang Zhongfu, Sinian hide Meiguo yuandong waijiao (U.S. Far Eastern Policy in the Past Four Years)(Chongqing, 1941), and Meiguo zhanqiande yuandong waijiao (U.S. Far Eastern Policy Before the War)(Chongqing, 1944). More recently see Li Changjiu (ed.), Zhong Mei guanxi erbainian (200 Years of Sino-American Relations)(Beijing, 1984). All the above work had to be based on little or no Chinese archival evidence. Exceptions were works that sought to make a point in an international scholarly/political dispute, as in the never-ending Stilwell controversy (see for example Ching-chun Liang, General Stilwell in China, 1942–1944: The Full Story(New York: St John's University Press, 1972). However, since the early 1980s there has been an explosion of publication on Sino-American relations in the PRC, much of which takes account of newly available Chinese materials. For a bibliography, see Yang Yunheng and Hu Yukun (eds.), Zhongguo Meiguoxue lunwen zhongmu (Guide to Chinese Essays on American Studies)(Shenyang: Liaoning daxue chubanshe, 1991). For a survey of such scholarship see Chen Jian, “Sino-American relations studies in China, “ in Warren I. Cohen (ed.), Pacific Passage: The Study of American-East Asian Relations on the Eve of the 21st Century(New York: Columbia University Press, 1996), pp. 3–35. The field of Chinese-American relations in the 20th century in the same volume by William C. Kirby, Charles W. Hayford and Nancy Bernkopf Tucker.

48 See William Kirby, “Nationalist China's search for a partner: relations with Germany, the Soviet Union, and the United States, 1928–1945, “ in Harry Harding (ed.), Patterns of Cooperation in Modern China's Foreign Relations,forthcoming.

49 Chi Jingde, Zhongguo dui Ri kangzhan sunshi diaocha shishu (Historical Account of China's Losses During the War with Japan)(Taipei: Guoshiguan, 1987); Han Chi-tong, Zhongguo dui Ri zhanshi sunshi wenguji (Estimated Chinese Losses During Hostilities with Japan)(Shanghai: Zhonghua, 1946); William C. Kirby, “The Chinese war economy, “ in James Hsiung and Steven I. Levine (eds.), China's Bitter Victory: The War with Japan, 1937–1945(Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1992, pp. 185–213).

50 Hsiung and Levine, China's Bitter Victory,p. v.

51 Compilations of documentation from either side of the Taiwan Strait include: Zhongguo waijiaoshi ziliao xuanbian (Selections of Materials on China's Diplomatic History),Vol. 3, 1937–1945 (Beijing: Waijiao xueyuan, 1958); Zhonghua minguo zhongyao shiliao chubian: dui Ri kangzhan shiqi, ti son bian, zhanshi waijiao (Preliminary Compilation of Important Historical Materials for the Republic of China, the Period of the War of Resistance Against Japan, Vol. 3, Wartime Diplomacy)(Taipei: Kuomintang dangshi weiyuanhui, 1981).

52 Parks M. Coble, Facing Japan: Chinese Politics and Japanese Imperialism, 1931–1937(Cambridge, MA.: Council on East Asian Studies, 1991).

53 Jordan, Chinese Boycotts versus Japanese Bombs.

54 Youli Sun, China and the Origins of the Pacific War(New York: St Martin's Press, 1993).

55 Akira Iriye, China and Japan in the Global Setting(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1992.) See also, on the more positive side of cultural relations, Joshua A. Fogel, The Cultural Dimension of Sino-Japanese Relations: Essays on the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries(Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1995).

56 Steven I. Levine, Anvil of Victory: The Communist Revolution in Manchuria, 1945–1948(New York: Columbia University Press, 1987).

57 Westad, Cold War and Revolution.

58 In this regard see also Brian Murray, “Stalin, the Cold War, and the division of China: a multi-archival mystery, “ Woodrow Wilson Center Cold War International History Project No. 12, June 1995.

59 Michael H. Hunt, The Genesis of Chinese Communist Foreign Policy(New York: Columbia University Press, 1996).

60 Ralph Heunemann, The Dragon and the Iron Horse(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1984).

61 Bodo Wiethoff, Luftverkehr in China, 1928–1949(Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1975).

62 Pere du Halde, The General History of China(trans. R. Brookes) (London, 1936), p. 161. See also Stanley Wright, Kiangsi Native Trade and its Taxation(Shanghai, 1920), pp. 12, 116; Tan Xichuan, Wang Baojun (comps.), Dayu xian xu zhi(1851).

63 Jen Yu-sen, The Taiping Revolutionary Movement(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973), p. 307; John K. Fairbank, “The creation of the treaty system,” in J. K. Fairbank (ed.), The Cambridge History of China,Vol. 11, Part 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), p. 245; Wright, Kiangsi Native Trade,p. 12, and Appendix A; Liu Daqian, “Dayu shehui jingji zhi xiankuang tan” (“On the current situation of Dayu's society and economy”), in Jiangxi sheng zhengfu (ed.), Jingji xunkan (Economic Periodical),Vol. 2, No. 14(11 May 1934), pp. 15–17; Jiangxi zhi techan (Local ProductsofJiangxi)(Nanchang, 1935), p. 106.

64 Zhou Daolong, (ed.). Gannan wukuang zhi (Tungsten Mines of Southern Jiangxi)(Nanchang, 1936), pp. 121–22; Jiangxi jingji wenti (Jiangxi Economic Issues)(Nanchang: Jiangxi sheng zhengfu, 1934), pp. 255ff; L. Fabel, “Le Tungstene: mineral le plus important de la Chine, “ Bulletin de I'Universite I'Aurore,Vol. 4 (1943), p. 128.

65 "Shishi wusha tongzhi zhi buzhu” (“Steps toward the control of tungsten ore”), Economic Periodical,Vol. 4, No. 5(15 February 1935), p. 5; Liu Daqian, “Dayu, “ pp. 16–17.

66 Terry M. Weidner, “Local political work under the Nationalists: the 1930's silk reform campaign, “ Illinois Papers in Asian Studies,No. 2 (1983), p. 67; See also Lillian Li, China's Silk Trade: Traditional Industry in the Modern World(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981), p. 200.

67 Second Historical Archives, Nanjing 44 (1719), “Quanguo jingji weiyuanhui gongzuo baogao” (“Report of the work of the National Economic Council”), 1937, pp. 33M)Ibid; Chin Fen, “The National Economic Council” (March 1935), pp. 67–70; Lau-King Quan, China's Relations with the League of Nations, 1919–1936(Hong Kong: Asiatic Litho Press, 1939); Tao Siu, “L'Oeuvre du Conseil National Economique Chinois, “ dissertation, L'Universite' de Nancy, 1936.

68 On the linkage between “national identity” and the national question as addressed by Marxism see the stimulating work by Germaine Hoston, The State, Identity, and the National Question in China and Japan(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).

69 Paper delivered to the Conference on the Formation of the Communist Party State, Colorado Springs, 1993.

70 Guodu sheji jishu zhuanyuan banshichu (Office of Technical Experts for Planning the National Capital) (comp.), Shoudu jihua (Plan for the Capital)(Nanjing, 1929).

71 For the first extensive scholarly treatment of minor parties in 20th-century China see Roger Jeans (ed.), Roads Not Taken(Boulder: Westview Press, 1992).

72 See Andrew J. Nathan, Peking Politics, 1918–1923: Factionalism and the Failure of Constitutionalism(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976). On constitutional politics in the Beiyang and Nationalist periods, respectively, see the forthcoming Harvard dissertations of Allen Fung and Paulo Frank.

73 Letter, Charles E. Bigelow to Frank Goodow, New York, 8 February 1914, cited in Ernest P. Young, The Presidency of Yuan Shikai(Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1977), p. 174.

74 William C. Kirby, “Images and realities of Chinese 'fascism', “ in S. Larsen (ed.), Fascism Outside Europe(New York: Columbia University Press, forthcoming), and Germany and Republican China,pp. 152–185, 264–65. One critic put it: fascism in China was “a stalk without roots, a river without a source.” See Xu Daquan, “Suowei Zhongguo faxisiti de pipan” (“Critique of so-called Chinese fascism”), Sanmin zhuyi yuekan (Three People's Principles Monthly),Vol. 4, No. 5 (15 November 1934).

75 Benjamin I. Schwartz, Chinese Communism and the Rise of Mao(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1951); Mark Selden, The Yenan Way in Revolutionary China(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1971); Dirlik, The Origins of Chinese Communism.

76 This was not an overnight process, as Hans J. van de Ven has shown in his From Friend to Comrade: The Founding of the Chinese Communist Party, 1920–1927(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991). On the international if not particularly cosmopolitan experiences of Chinese Communists in Europe see Marilyn A. Levine, The Found Generation: Chinese Communists in Europe During the Twenties(Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1993).

77 See C. Martin Wilbur and Julie Lien-Ying How, Missionaries of Revolution: Soviet Advisers and Nationalist China, 1920–1927(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1988); Die Komintem unddie national-revolutionare Bewegung in China. Dokumente, Band I, 1920–1925(Paderborn: Schoningh, 1996).

78 Niu Jun, Cong Yan'an zouxiang shijie (From Yanan to the World)(Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 1992). Most persuasively see Michael M. Sheng, Ideology and Foreign Policy: Mao, Stalin, and the United States(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997); and John Garver, “Little chance, “ Diplomatic History,Vol. 21, No. 1 (Winter 1997), pp. 87–94. On the fundamental conflicts between the CCP and the United States see also Zi Zhongyun, Meiguo dui Hua zhengce de yuanqi he fazhan (Origins and Development of U.S. Policy Towards China)(Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1987).

79 Hans van de Ven, “War in the making of modern China", paper presented to the Fairbank Center for East Asian Research, Harvard University, September 1995, p. 1.

80 On the use of Western and Japanese models in Republican-era policing see Frederic Wakeman, Jr., Policing Shanghai, 1927–1937(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995), p. 58.

81 David Shambaugh, paper delivered to the Conference on the Construction of the Party-State and State Socialism in China, 1936–1965, Colorado Springs, May 1993.

82 William C. Kirby, 'Technocratic organization and technological development in China: the nationalist experience and legacy, “ in Merle Goldman and Denis Simon (eds.), Science and Technology in Post-Mao China(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1989), pp. 23–43.

83 J. T. TTebitsch-Linco\n, DergrdJ3teAbenteuererdesXX. Jahrhunderts!? Die Wahrheit iiber mein Leben(Leipzig, 1931), pp. 226–258; Kirby, Germany and Republican China,pp. 26–28; Bernard Wasserstein, The Secret Lives of Trebitsch-Lincoln(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988).

84 See Charles W. Hayford, “Sino-American cultural relations, 1900–1945, cultural criticism, and post-semi-colonial historiography, “ paper presented for a Workshop on the Historiography of American-East Asian Relations, Wilson Center, Washington DC, 1994.

85 On relationships between missionary “mentalities” and activities on the one hand, and official attitudes on the other, see Patricia Neils (ed.), United States Attitudes and Policies Toward China: The Impact of American Missionaries(Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1990); James Reid, The Missionary Mind and American East Asian Policy, 1911–1915(Cambridge, MA: Council on East Asian Studies, 1983); and Jessie G. Lutz, Chinese Politics and Christian Missions: The Anti-Christian Movement of 1920–28(Indiana: Cross Roads Books, 1988). See also Jean-Paul Wiest, Maryknoll in China: A History, 1918–1955(Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1988).

86 This is the working assumption of the Luce Foundation project on the History of Christianity in China Project, headed by Daniel Bays at the University of Kansas.

87 See John Epsey, Minor Heresies, Major Departures: A China Mission Boyhood(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); John Hersey, The Call(New York: Knopf, 1985).

88 Wolfgang Uwe Eckart, Deutsche Ante in China 1897–1914: Median als Kulturmission im Zweiten Deutschen Kaiserreich(Stuttgart: G. Fischer, 1989). 89. R. E. Stross, The Stubborn Earth: American Agriculturalists on Chinese Soil, 1898–1937(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986).

90 Of which the best examples are Barbara Tuchman, Stilwell and the American Experience in China(New York: Macmillan, 1971); and Ching-chun Liang, General Stilwell in China, 1942–1944: The Full Story(New York: St John's University Press, 1972).

91 Charles F. Romanus and Riley Sunderland, Stilwell's Mission to China(Washington, DC: Office of the Chief of Military History, Department of the Army, 1953), Time Runs Out in CBI(Washington, DC: Office of the Chief of Military History, Department of the Army, 1959), and Stilwell's Command Problems(Washington, DC: Office of the Chief of Military History, Department of the Army, 1956).

92 Wilbur and How, Missionaries of Revolution.

93 See for example, Bernd Martin (ed.), Die deutsche Beraterschaft in China, 1927–1938(Dusseldorf: Droste, 1981); Hsi-Huey Liang, The Sino-German Connection: Alexandervon Falkenhausen between China and Germany, 1900–1941(Assen: Van Gorcum, 1978). On Bauer see Kirby, Germany and Republican China,ch. 3; on racism see Ibidpp. 167–69, and more completely, in terms of China's relationship to international racial discourse, the bold study of Frank Dikotter, The Discourse of Race in Modem China(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992).

94 Franchise Kreissler, L'Action culturelle;Rotraut Bieg-Brentzel, Die Tongji- Universitat. Zur Geschichte deutscher Kulturarbeit in Shanghai(Frankfurt: Haag und Herchen, 1984).

95 On the diversity of the higher educational enterprise in China see above all, Yeh Wen-hsin, The Alienated Academy: Culture and Politics in Republican China(Cambridge MA: Council on East Asian Studies, 1990). For a broad set of essays on cultural and education interactions see Priscilla Roberts (ed.), Sino-American Relations Since 1900(Hong Kong: University of Hong Kong Centre of Asian Studies, 1991). Further see Mary Bullock, An American Transplant: The Rockefeller Foundation and Peking Union Medical College(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), and “The legacy of the Rockefeller Foundation in China, “ paper presented to the American Historical Association annual meeting, 1990; Peter Buck, American Science and Modern China, 1876–1936(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980); William J. Haas, China Voyager: Gist Gee's Life in Science(Armonk: M.E. Sharpe, 1996); James Reardon-Anderson, The Study of Change: Chemistry in China(New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Laurence A. Schneider, “The Rockefeller Foundation, the China Foundation, and the development of modern science in China, “ Social Science in Medicine,No. 16 (1982); Yang Tsui-hua, “Geological sciences in Republican China, 1912–1937, “ Ph.D. dissertation, State University of New York at Buffalo, 1985; Bettina Gransow, Geschichte der chinesischen Soziologie(Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 1992); Chiang Yung-chen, “Social engineering and the social sciences in China, 1898–1949, “ Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1986; and Joyce K. Kallgren and Denis Fred Simon (eds.), Educational Exchanges: Essays on the Sino-American Experience(Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, 1987).

96 C. H. Becker et al., The Reorganization of Education in China(Paris: League of Nations' Institute of Intellectual Co-operation, 1932); Zhu Jiahua, Jiuge yue lai jiaoyubu zhengli quanguo jiaoyu zhi shuoming (Explanation of the Ministry of Education's Reform of National Education in the Past Nine Months)(Nanjing, 1932).

97 Ruth E. S. Hayhoe, “China's higher curricular reform in historical perspective, “ The China Quarterly,No. 110 (June 1987), p. 203. See also Ernst Neugebauer, Anfange pddagogische Entwicklungshilfe under dem Volkerbund in China, 1931 bis 1935(Hamburg: Institut fur Asienkunde, 1971).

98 See David Strand, Rickshaw Beijing: City People and Politics in 1920's China(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989); Christian Henriot, Shanghai, 1927–1937(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993); Marie-Claire Bergere, The Golden Age of the Chinese Bourgeoisie, 1911–1937(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).

99 Emily Honig, Sisters and Strangers: Workers in the Shanghai Cotton Mills, 1919–1929(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1986); Elizabeth J. Perry, Shanghai on Strike(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1993); Jean Chesneaux, The Chinese Labor Movement, 1919–1927(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1968); Frederic Wakeman, Jr., Shanghai Police(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); Emily Honig, “Migrant culture in Shanghai: in search of a Subei identity, “ and Jeffrey Wasserstrom, “The evolution of Shanghai student protest repertoire, “ both in Frederic Wakeman, Jr., and Wen-hsin Yeh (eds.), Shanghai Sojourners(Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies of the University of California, Berkeley, 1992); Wen-hsin Yeh, “Corporate space, communal time: everyday life in Shangtiai'sBankof China, “ American Historical Review,No. 9 (February 1995), pp. 97–123. On the Chinese municipal government of Shanghai see Henriot, Shanghai.

100 Wakeman and Yeh, Shanghai Sojourners;Clifford, Spoilt Children of Empire;Robert A. Bickers, “Death of a young Shanghailander: the Thorburn Case and the defence of the British Treaty Ports in China in 1931, “ Modern Asian Studies,Vol. 29, No. 3 (1995).

101 See in particular the forthcoming work of Robert A. Bickers, Colonial Attitudes and Informal Empire: The British in the Chinese Treaty Ports, 1843–1943(Manchester: Manchester University Press.)

102 See Rajeswary Ampalavanar Brown (ed.), Chinese Business Enterprise in Asia(London: Routledge, 1995). On patterns of both emulation and competition with Western enterprise see Sherman Cochran, Big Business in China(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1980); and Bergere, Golden Age.

103 Bergere, Golden Age.

104 Thomas J. Rawski, Economic Growth in Prewar China(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), p. 344.

105 See Kirby, “Technocratic Organization, “ and “Continuity and change in Modem China: economic planning on the Mainland and on Taiwan, 1943–58, “ Australian Journal df Chinese Affairs(July 1990).

106 Sun Yat-sen, The International Development of China(New York and London, 1922). See Michael R. Godley, “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics: Sun Yat-sen and the international development of China, “ Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs,No. 18 (July 1987), pp. 109–125.

107 "East, “ that is, in the convoluted geospeak of the Cold War, for China's new allies were of course north by north-west.