Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-dlnhk Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-23T21:05:05.282Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Marketing for Socialism: Soviet Cosmetics in the 1930s

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 October 2013

Abstract

This article examines the marketing practices of the Soviet state trust for cosmetics, TeZhe, in the 1930s. Drawing on company records, industry reports, and popular press, we show that TeZhe used an array of marketing tactics, which were similar to those of the Western manufacturers. However, TeZhe's marketing was aligned with the state's economic and sociocultural initiatives and shaped by the ideological dictates of the Soviet system.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © The President and Fellows of Harvard College 2013 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 The original reads: Na gubakh TeZhe, na shchekakh TeZhe, na broviakh TeZhe, tselovat' gde zhe?

2 There were three trusts: TeZhe, Lenzhet (Leningrand) and Kharzhet (Kharkov). Markuze, M., “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskoe proizvodstvo SSSR,” Masloboino Zhirovoe Delo ([Butter Beating Fat Work] hereafter MZhD) 12 (1936): 597–99Google Scholar; Sovetskaia parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia promyshlennost',” MZhD 11 (1957): 1217Google Scholar. TeZhe dominated the category with over 75 percent for fine soaps, more than 76 percent for perfumery, and 91 percent for cosmetics in 1927. Otchet o deiatel'nosti tresta TeZhe za 1928–29 (Moscow, 1929), 6Google Scholar; Zhitomirsky, V., “Voprosy ratzional'noĭ togrovli,” Sovetskaia Torgolia [Soviet Trade] 31 (1927): 28Google Scholar; Zhemchuzhina, Polina, “Zadachi parfiumerno-kosmeticheskoĭ promyshlennosti TeZhe,” MZhD 6 (1934): 8Google Scholar.

3 Fitzpatrick, Sheila, “After NEP: The Fate of NEP Entrepreneurs, Small Traders and Arti-sans in the Socialist Russia of the 1930s,” Russian History 13 (1986): 187234CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gronow, Jukka, Caviar with Champagne: Common Luxury and the Ideals of the Good Life in Stalin's Russia (New York, 2003)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hessler, Julie, A Social History of Soviet Trade: Trade Policy, Retail Practices, and Consumption, 1917–1953 (Princeton, 2004)Google Scholar; Osokina, Elena, Our Daily Bread: Socialist Distribution and the Art of Survival in Stalin's Russia, 1927–1941 (New York, 2001)Google Scholar; Randall, Amy E., The Soviet Dream World of Retail Trade and Consumption in the 1930s (New York, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Randall, , Soviet Dream, 11Google Scholar.

5 Trotsky, Leon notes that state trusts dominated industry in the 1920–1930s in the The Revolution Betrayed (Mineola, N.Y., 2004; trans. Eastman, Max), 36Google Scholar.

6 Kantorovich, V., “Novye Formy Roznichnoĭ Torgovli,” Sovetskaia Torgolia 9 (1928): 57Google Scholar. Broadly, Western marketing sensibility refers to serving customer needs profitably. A firm devises a marketing program that synergistically integrates product development, promotion, pricing, and distribution. See Kotler, Philip and Armstrong, Gary, Principles of Marketing (Upper Saddle River, N.J., 2009, 13th ed.)Google Scholar. In the 1930s, Soviet authorities borrowed technology and marketing techniques from the West. Mikoyan, Anastas, “Dva mesiatsa v SshA,” Ekonmika, Politica, Ideologiia [Economy, Politics, Ideology] 10 (1971): 68Google Scholar; Zhemchuzhina, Polina, “V tiskhakh depressii,” MZhD 6 (1936): 265–72Google Scholar. Trade journals published original articles and reprints of Western press on merchandising, pricing, promotion, packaging, and customer service. From 1933 to 1937 the journal Organizatsia i Tekhnika Sovetskoi Torgovli [Organization and Techniques of Soviet Trade] (hereafter OTST) had a “foreign trade techniques” section, with articles on “inventory control in the US” and “colored packaging”: 1 (1933): 35–47, and “store layout” and “mobile trade”: 1 (1935): 19–75.

7 See Foster, David, The Story of Colgate-Palmolive (New York, 1975)Google Scholar; Jones, Geoffrey, Beauty Imagined: A History of the Global Beauty Industry (Oxford, 2010)Google Scholar; Sivulka, Juliann, Stronger than Dirt: A Cultural History of Advertising Personal Hygiene in America, 1875–1940 (New York, 2001)Google Scholar; Stanger, Howard R., “From Factory to Family: The Creation of a Corporate Culture in the Larkin Company Buffalo, New York,” Business History Review 74 (2000): 407–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On French perfume manufacturers' marketing, see Briot, Eugénie, “From Industry to Luxury: French Perfume in the Nineteenth Century,” Business History Review 85 (Summer 2011): 273–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 McGovern, Charles F., Sold American: Consumption and Citizenship, 1890–1945 (Chapel Hill, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Marchand, Roland, Advertising the American Dream (Berkeley, 1985)Google Scholar.

9 Ewen, Stuart, Captains of Consciousness: Advertising and the Social Roots of the Consumer Culture (New York, 1976)Google Scholar. For a nineteenth-century British example of this process, see Harvey, Charles, Press, Jon, and Maclean, Mairi, “William Morris, Cultural Leadership, and the Dynamics of Taste,” Business History Review 85 (Summer 2011): 245–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 Church, Roy, “New Perspectives on the History of Products, Firms, Marketing, and Consumers in Britain and the United States since the Mid-Nineteenth Century,” Economic History Review 52 (1999): 405CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Williams, Raymond, Dream Worlds (Berkeley, 1982)Google Scholar; McGovern, Sold American.

12 West, Sally, “The Material Promised Land: Advertising's Modern Agenda in Late Imperial Russia,” Russian Review 57 (1998): 345–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 Blizniak, V.et al., Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost' (Moscow, 1958), 7778Google Scholar; Stasenkov, Iu., Moskovskaia Parifumernaia Fabrika (Moscow, 1957), 37Google Scholar; Zvezdov, A. and Mishel, A., Novaia Zaria (Moscow, 1924), 38Google Scholar; Vasil'eva, N., 100 let Parfiumernoĭ Fabrike (Moscow, 1965), 711Google Scholar.

14 Aratov, I., “Fabrika ‘Svoboda’ za 40 let Sovetskoĭ Vlasti,” MZhD 11 (1957): 45Google Scholar.

15 Barulina, Anna, “Novaia Zaria,” 2006, 1115: http://www.novzar.ru/Google Scholar; Blizniak et al., Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaya Promyshlennost'; Vasil'eva, 100 let Parfiumernoĭ Fabrike.

16 Bukharin, Nikolai and Preobrazhensky, Evgeny, The ABC of Communism (Baltimore, 1969; 1st ed. 1922)Google Scholar; Hessler, , Social History, 24Google Scholar.

17 Hessler, Social History.

18 Wheatcroft, S. G., Davis, R. W., and Cooper, J. M., “Soviet Industrialization Reconsidered: Some Preliminary Conclusions about Economic Development between 1926–1941,” Economic History Review 39 (1986): 264–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fitzpatrick, “After NEP”; Osokina, Our Daily Bread.

19 Quoted in Gronow, , Caviar with Champagne, 138Google Scholar; Fitzpatrick, Sheila, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times (New York, 1999)Google Scholar; Randall, Soviet Dream.

20 Gronow, , Caviar with Champagne, 119–44Google Scholar; Hessler, , Social History, 197247Google Scholar; Randall, , Soviet Dream, 137–79Google Scholar.

21 On kul'turnost', Volkov, Vadim, “The Concept of Kul'turnost': Notes on the Stalinist Civilizing Process,” in Stalinism: New Directions, ed. Fitzpatrick, Sheila (New York, 1999), 210–30Google Scholar.

22 Elias, Norbert, The Civilizing Process: The History of Manners (Oxford, 1978; trans. Jephcott, Edmund)Google Scholar; for Soviet context, see Kharkhordin, Oleg, The Collective and the Individual in Russia (London, 1999)Google Scholar.

23 Hoffmann, David, Stalinist Values: The Cultural Norms of Soviet Modernity, 1917–1941 (Ithaca, 2003), 17CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 Ibid.; Fitzpatrick, , Everyday Stalinism, 7980Google Scholar.

25 Butuzova, M., Kooperirovanie Trudiaschikhsia Zhenschin (Moscow, 1927)Google Scholar.

26 Lynne, Viola, Peasant Rebels under Stalin: Collectivization and the Culture of Peasant Resistance (Oxford, 1996)Google Scholar.

27 Vesela, Pavla, “The Hardening of Cement: Russian Women and Modernization,” NWSA Journal 15 (Fall 2003): 118Google Scholar.

28 Hoffmann, Stalinist Values.

29 Reid, Susan, “All Stalin's Women: Gender and Power in Soviet Art of the 1930s,” Slavic Review 1 (Spring 1998): 133–73CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Simpson, Pat, “Parading Myths: Imaging New Soviet Woman on Fizkul'turnik's Day, July 1944,” Russian Review 63 (Apr. 2004): 187211CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30 Il'in-Landsky, , “Neobkhodimost' organizovat' posyltorg,” Sovetskaia Torgovlia 52 (1928): 2122Google Scholar; this is consistent with the 1920s Russian Constructivists' conception of objects as comrades. See Kiaer, Christina, Imagine No Possessions: The Socialist Objects of Russian Constructivism (Cambridge, Mass., 2005), 287Google Scholar.

31 Hessler, Social History; Randall, Soviet Dream.

32 In the 1930s, several consumer-goods trusts partook in Soviet civilizing efforts. Moscow Miasokombinat (meat-products trust) promoted modern canned and readymade meat products. Confectionary enterprises such as Krasnyi Oktiabr' and Rot Front advertised the bounties of the Soviet life. Gronow, Caviar with Champagne; Snopkov, Aleksandr, ed., Advertising Art in Russia (Moscow, 2007)Google Scholar.

33 Blizniak, et al., Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost', 7778Google Scholar.

34 Ibid.; Stasenkov, , Moskovskaia Parfiumernaia Fabrika, 37Google Scholar; Dubnov, , “Obrazets Bolshevistskoĭ Bor'by za Plan,” MZhD 4 (1934): 46Google Scholar.

35 Vasil'eva, Larisa, Kremlin Wives (New York, 1994; trans. Porter, Cathy), 136–60Google Scholar; Kun, Miklos, Stalin: An Unknown Portrait (Budapest, 2003), 270–81Google Scholar.

36 Polina Zhemchuzhina was first accused of spying against the Soviet state in 1939. After the Politburo heard her case, the allegations against her were deemed slanderous. However, in 1948, facing similar accusations, she was imprisoned. The treason accusation seemed to stem from her support of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee during World War II and her friendship with Golda Meir, the first Israeli ambassador to the USSR after the establishment of the state of Israel in 1948 (Vasil'eva, Kremlin Wives; Kun, Stalin).

37 Vasil'eva, , 100 let Parfiumernoĭ Fabrike, 19Google Scholar.

38 Given that there was an overall political support for the consumer goods, which was withdrawn as the threat of war approached, Zhemchuzhina's specific contribution to the rise of TeZhe is difficult to ascertain. However, TeZhe's public relations materials convincingly show that Zhemchuzhina championed TeZhe's development.

39 Kun, Stalin.

40 Mikoyan, Anastas, Tak Bylo (Moscow, 1999), 298Google Scholar.

41 Zhemchuzhina, Polina, “Vypolnim Sotsialisticheskiĭ Zakaz,” MZhD 1 (1934): 1112Google Scholar.

42 Historians report that Soviet enterprises had some discretion in operational plans within the Soviet command system; see Gregory, Paul and Harrison, Mark, “Allocation under Dictatorship: Research in Stalin's Archives,” Journal of Economic Literature 43 (2005): 721–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

43 For example, in 1927 the rubric “V Chem Krasota” in Rabotnitsa [worker woman] repeatedly stated that beauty as purveyed by TeZhe was artificial and unnecessary (e.g., no. 26 [1927]: 13); also Gurova, Olga, “Ideology of Consumption in Soviet Union: From Asceticism to the Legitimating of Consumer Goods,” Anthropology of East Europe Review 24 (2006): 9198Google Scholar.

44 For a discussion of letters as a medium between rulers and the public, see Sokolov, Andrei, Golos Naroda (Moscow, 1998)Google Scholar.

45 Strana Trebuet Mylo–Dadim Mylo,” Rabotnitsa 33 (1933): 69Google Scholar.

46 Zhemchuzhina first referred to the letter as “a socialist order” in TeZhe's 1933 report (Zhemchuzhina, , “Vypolnim sotsialisticheskiĭ zakaz,” 12Google Scholar); at the 1934 Conference, the functionaries appeared to ratify such framing. Slet Udarnikov TeZhe,” MZhD 1 (1935): 5053Google Scholar.

47 Kandiba, F., “Industriia Tsvetov,” Ogonek 30 (1936): 2021Google Scholar.

48 Blizniak, et al., Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost', 9499Google Scholar.

49 Ibid.; Zhemchuzhina, “Zadachi Parfiumernoĭ Promyshlennosti.”

50 Vaĭnshteĭn, S., “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost' k XX Velikoĭ Revolutsii,” MZhD 5 (1937): 2930Google Scholar.

51 “Sovetskaia Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost',” 15.

52 Zhemchuzhina, , “V Tiskakh Depressii”; Polina Zhemchuzhina, “Dadim Strane Bol'she Parfiumerii,” MZhD 12 (1936): 563Google Scholar.

53 Shneerson, I., “Itogi i Perspectivy,” MZhD 5 (1938): 35Google Scholar; Kursky, F., “V Bor'be za Kachestvo Tualetnogo Myla,” MZhD 3 (1937): 22Google Scholar.

54 See footnote 2; Vaĭnshteĭn, “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost'.”

55 Zhemchuzhina, Polina, “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost' Soiuza SSR i Zapadnoi Evropy,” MZhD 9 (1935): 391Google Scholar.

56 Gronow, , Caviar with Champagne, 4366Google Scholar.

57 Zhemchuzhina, , “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost' Soiuza SSR i Zapadnoĭ Evropy,” 392Google Scholar.

58 Gurova, “Ideology of Consumption.” The beauty industry faced a similar legitimization challenge in the West, albeit for different reasons; see Jones, Beauty Imagined.

59 Zhemchuzhina, , “Zadachi Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskoi Promyshlennosti,” 8Google Scholar.

60 Naimark, A., “Vitamizatsiia Kosmeticheskoĭ Promyshlennosti,” MZhD 5 (1937): 3031Google Scholar.

61 Barulina, “Novaia Zaria.”

62 In the 1920s, Auguste Michel, the French specialist, worked in Novaia Zaria and trained Soviet perfumers there; his fate after the 1930s is unknown. Vasil'eva, , 100 let Parfiumernoĭ fabrike, 2023Google Scholar.

63 Kiaer, , Imagine No Possessions, 143–96Google Scholar; Snopkov, , ed. Advertising Art in Russia, 5 and 145Google Scholar.

64 “Eva Stricker Zeisel—Life Chronology” at www.evazeisel.org.

65 Zemenkov, , Grafika v bytu (Moscow, 1930)Google Scholar.

66 “Slet Udarnikov TeZhe.”

67 Zhemchuzhina, “Zadachi Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskoĭ Promyshlennosti.”

68 Otchet o deiatel'nosti tresta TeZhe za 1928–29.

69 “Slet Udarnikov TeZhe,” 51; Vaĭnshteĭn, , “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost',” 29Google Scholar. The Soviet emphasis on design contrasts with that of Western companies. For example, Coty's packaging sought to preserve an aura of prestige while democratizing perfume consumption; Jones, , Beauty Imagined, 2933Google Scholar.

70 Zhemchuzina, “Dadim Strane Bol'she Myla i Parfiumerii.”

71 Pilditch, James, The Silent Salesman: How to Develop Packaging that Sells (London, 1961)Google Scholar.

72 Zemenkov, Grafika v bytu; on the socialist objects' ideological mission, see Kiaer, Imagine No Possessions.

73 Sivulka, , Stronger than Dirt, 98106Google Scholar; the phrase “brightening the dark corners of the earth” appeared in a Pear's Soap ad from 1899 and drew from Rudyard Kipling's poem “The White Man's Burden”; also Jones, , Beauty Imagined, 7193Google Scholar.

74 Kak Ukrasit' Zhilishche,” Rabotnisa 35 (1935): 31, and 15 (1935): 15Google Scholar.

75 Vasil'eva, , 100 let Parfiumernoĭ Fabrike, 4752Google Scholar; Barulina, “Novaia Zaria.”

76 Vaĭnshteĭn, , “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost',” 29Google Scholar; “Sovetskaia Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia Promyshlennost',” 12; Dubnov, “Obrazets Bol'shevitskoĭ Bor'by.”

77 Gregory and Harrison, “Allocation under Dictatorship.”

78 Otchet o Deiatelnosti Ttresta TeZhe za 1928–29, 27; Dubnov, “Obrazets Bol'shevitskoĭ Bor'by”; “Slet Udarnikov TeZhe,” 50–51.

79 Barulina, “Novaia Zaria.”

80 Jones, Beauty Imagined.

81 Osokina, , Our Daily Bread, 108–21Google Scholar.

82 Such price segmentation originated in the postwar “pact” with the Soviet labor aristocracy that gave them access to a middle-class lifestyle in exchange for production effort and political loyalty; Dunham, Vera, In Stalin's Time: Middleclass Values in Soviet Fiction (Durham, N.C., 1990)Google Scholar; Osokina, Our Daily Bread.

83 Hessler, , Social History, 197247Google Scholar.

84 Hilton, Marjorie L., “Retailing the Revolution: The State Department Store (GUM) and Soviet Society in the 1920s,” Journal of Social History 37 (2004): 939–64CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Prigarin, A., “Rabota Obraztsovykh Univermagov,” Sovetskaia Torgovlia 10/11 (1935): 7988Google Scholar.

85 Randall, Amy E., “Legitimizing Soviet Trade,” Journal of Social History 37 (2004): 965–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

86 Cited in Hessler, , Social History, 210Google Scholar.

87 Gronow, , Caviar with Champagne, 103Google Scholar.

88 Exemplary shops' pedagogical role was consistent with the intent of Stalin's discourse, which “consisted of presenting his plans and wishes as accomplished fact”; Bonnell, Victoria, “The Peasant Woman in Stalinist Political Art of the 1930s,” American Historical Review 98 (1993): 67CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

89 For a description of TeZhe's exemplary shops see Conolly, Violet, Soviet Tempo: A Journal of Travel in Russia (Lanham, Md., 1937), 17Google Scholar.

90 Iurina, M., “Kul'tura i Krasota,” Rabotnisa 11 (1936): 1718Google Scholar; Kandiba, F., “Flakon Dukhov,” Ogonek 5 (1936): 1921Google Scholar; Osokina, , Our Daily Bread, 78–81, 154Google Scholar.

91 Conolly, Soviet Tempo.

92 Gronow, , Caviar with Champagne, 56Google Scholar; Zhemchuzhina, Polina, “Blizhaĭshie Zadachi Parfiumernoĭ Promyshlennosti,” MZhD 10 (1936): 465–66Google Scholar.

93 Narkomvnutorg (Ministry of Internal Trade), “Pravila Organizatsii i Soderzhania Vetrin,” ratified 3 July 1935Google Scholar; Cherkasheninov, M., “Dekorativno-khudozhesvtennie Raboty v Sovetskoĭ Togrovle,” Sovetskaia Torgovlia 4/5 (1936): 143–48Google Scholar.

94 Vitrina i Obsluzhivanie Pokupatelia,” Sovetskaia Torgovlia 13 (1929): 18Google Scholar; Shkurin, , “Vitrina Magazina,” OTST 5 (1936): 6873Google Scholar; Tsitron, I., “Bor'ba za Pokupatelia,” Sovetskaia Torgovlia 3 (1936): 5864Google Scholar; Obshchee Oformlenie Magazinov,” OTST 4 (1936): 3551Google Scholar.

95 This contrasted with the American practice, where “mention[ing] factory life” was regarded as deleterious to sales because products shown in a factory conjured up an “unhappy familiarity”; Ewen, , Captains of Consciousness, 80Google Scholar.

96 Tsitron, “Bor'ba za Poterbitelia.”

97 Cherkasheninov, “Dekorativno-khudozhesvtennie Raboty v Sovetskoĭ Togrovle.”

98 Iurina, “Kul'tura i Krasota”; Vaĭnshteĭn, “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskaia promyshlennost.”

99 Zdorovaia Kozha,” Ogonek [a popular weekly] 10 (1937): 1415Google Scholar.

100 V Institute Kosmetiki i Gigieny,” Rabotnitsa 9 (1937): 19Google Scholar.

101 Gronow, Caviar with Champagne.

102 Zdorovaia Kozha,” Ogonek 10 (1937): 1415Google Scholar.

103 Zhemchuzhina, “Blizhaĭshie Zadachi Parfiumernoĭ Promyshlennosti”; on mail order see Emmet, Boris and Jeuck, John E., Catalogues and Counters: A History of Sears, Roebuck and Company (Chicago, 1950)Google Scholar and for histories of traveling salesmen, see articles in the special issue of Business History Review 82 (2008)Google Scholar.

104 Il'in-Landsky, , “Neobkhodimo Organizovat' Posyltorg,” Sovetskaia Torgovlia 52 (1928): 2122Google Scholar; Posylochnaia Torgovlia v SSSR,” Sovetskaia Torgovlia 4/5 (1932): 201–7Google Scholar; Kantorovich, , “Novye Formy Roznichnoĭ Torgovli,” Sovetskaia Torgovlia 9 (1928): 57Google Scholar.

105 O peredvizhnoĭ torgovli,” Sovetskaia Torgovlia 2 (1929): 19Google Scholar.

106 Raznosnaia i Razvoznaia Torgovlia,” Sovetskaia Torgovlia 34 (1928): 22Google Scholar.

107 Potrebitel'skiĭ Spros v Derevni,” Sovetskaia Torgovlia 11 (1929): 1Google Scholar.

108 On GUM see Hilton, “Retailing the Revolution”; on univermag see Hessler, Social History.

109 West, “Material Promised Land.”

110 Snopkov, , ed., Advertising Art in Russia, 93Google Scholar.

111 Kiaer, , Imagine No Possessions, 143–96Google Scholar.

112 Bonnell, Victoria, “The Representation of Women in Early Soviet Political Art,” Russian Review 50 (1991): 267CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Natanson, G., “Reklama v Usloviiakh Sovetskoĭ Torgovli,” Sovetskaia Torgolia 38 (1928): 23Google Scholar; Tsitron, “Bor'ba za Pokupatelia.”

113 Marchand, Advertising the American Dream.

114 Ibid.; see advertisements in Heimann, Jim, ed., All-American Ads: 30s (Cologne, 2003), 2427Google Scholar.

115 Anastas Mikoyan outlined these contrasts between capitalist and Soviet advertising; Tsitron, “Bor'ba za Pokupatelia.”

116 Reid, Susan E., “Cold War in the Kitchen: Gender and the De-Stalinization of Consumer Taste in the Soviet Union under Khrushchev,” Slavic Review 61 (2002): 221CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

117 Jones, Beauty Imagined; Sivulka, Stronger than Dirt.

118 Butuzova, Kooperirovanie.

119 Natanson, “Reklama v Usloviiakh Sovetskoĭ Torgovli”; Bonnell, “The Representation of Women”; Vesela, “The Hardening of Cement.”

120 Hoffmann, Stalinist Values; Simpson, “Parading Myths.”

121 Hoffmann, Stalinist Values; Reid, “All Stalin's Women.”

122 Ibid.

123 Kharkhordin, , Collective and Individual, 134Google Scholar; Simpson, “Parading Myths.”

124 Marchand, Advertising the American Dream.

125 Gronow, , Caviar with Champagne, 36Google Scholar.

126 Iurina, M., “Eshche Raz o Krasote i Kul'ture,” Rabotnitsa 18 (1936): 1718Google Scholar.

127 Ibid., 17; Zhemchuzhina seems to refer to the US Cleanliness Institute, established in 1927 by Lever Brothers, Palmolive, and Colgate, among others, to teach the public about cleanliness; Sivulka, , Stronger than Dirt, 229–47Google Scholar; Jones, , Beauty Imagined, 99Google Scholar.

128 Iurina, , “Eshche Raz o Krasote i Kul'ture,” 1718Google Scholar.

129 Western companies also sought to democratize consumption but for the purpose of expanding the cosmetics market; Jones, Beauty Imagined.

130 Iurina, , “Eshche Raz o Krasote i Kul'ture,” 18Google Scholar.

131 Kandiba, , “Flakon Dukhov,” 20Google Scholar.

132 Ratner, V. and Markuze, M., “Parfiumerno-kosmeticheskie Izdeliia i Sposob ikh Primeneniia,” Rabotnitsa 3 (1936): 1617Google Scholar.

133 Kandiba, “Flakon Dukhov.”

134 Ibid.

135 Jones, Beauty Imagined; Sivulka, Stronger than Dirt.

136 Koehn, Nancy, “Henry Heinz and Brand Creation in the Late Nineteenth Century: Making Markets for Processed Food,” Business History Review 73 (1999): 349–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

137 Quoted in Gronow, , Caviar with Champagne, 148Google Scholar.