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Children add further complexity by combining two or more clauses. They can link them with coordination or subordination. In subordinate constructions, one clause is embedded in the main or matrix clause. The embedded clause can fill a grammatical role, as subject, say, in complement constructions, or it can modify parts of the main clause, adding to a noun phrase with a relative clause, or to a verb phrase with a temporal clause. These constructions allow for more options in the flow of information as well as in the expression of more complex events. Among the first constructions here are coordinations of different elements in a clause, as well as of different clauses. Among subordinate clause constructions, because, what, when, and so were the most frequent up to 2;9, followed by if, that, and where. They produced relative clauses to specify referents; complements with verbs like think and know. And they produced temporal, causal, and conditional constructions to describe sequences of events. Children treat clause order first as reflecting the actual order of events, only later assigning the appropriate meanings to connectives like before and after. And they take time to master the meanings of because and if.
The present study assessed the comprehension of Spanish object relative (OR) clauses by 6- and 7-year-old children before and after a brief training session targeting the structural differences between ORs and subject relatives. In addition, we investigated the potential relationships between OR comprehension on the one hand and vocabulary size and non-verbal intelligence quotient (IQ) on the other. Comprehension of ORs was very poor at the pre-test but improved considerably after training. Further improvement was observed between the immediate post-test and a delayed post-test, suggesting that the knowledge acquired during training had been integrated into the children’s developing linguistic systems. Non-verbal IQ and vocabulary were not found to predict comprehension accuracy. We take these results to suggest that children’s difficulties with ORs are better explained by their experience with this construction than by maturational factors and that explicit contrast and feedback can bolster grammatical development in L1 acquisition.
Chapter 5 extends the cartographic analysis of the clause periphery. Module 5.1 analyses Negative/Interrogative Inversion as involving a focused negative/interrogative XP moving through spec-FINP (concomitantly attracting an auxiliary to move to FIN) before moving to spec-FOCP. Module 5.2 goes on to look at embedded wh-questions (arguing that these involve a wh-XP moving to spec-FORCEP), and at how come questions (taking these to involve how come directly generated in spec-FORCEP). Module 5.3 then analyses yes-no questions, arguing that these involve an abstract yes-no question operator which behaves similarly to wh-question operators. Module 5.4 examines exclamative clauses (taking these to involve movement of an exclamative wh-XP to spec-FORCEP), and standard and non-standard relative clauses, analysing these as involving an overt/null relative operator on the edge of a RELP/relative projection positioned above a declarative/interrogative/exclamative/imperative FORCEP. The chapter concludes with a Summary (Module 5.5), Bibliography (Module 5.6), and Workbook (Module 5.7), with some Workbook exercise examples designed for self-study, and others for assignments/seminar discussion.
Chapter 9 addresses intervention study in a variety of phenomena related to word-order configurations that fall beyond the scope of preceding chapters. Four distinct topics are covered: sentence-level word order (canonical word order, such as subject–verb–object in English, vs. noncanonical word order, such as object–verb–subject), adjective ordering (how adjectives are placed with respect to the noun that they modify), relative clauses (clauses which modify nouns), and quantifier scope (the interpretation of ambiguous sentences containing indefinite and universal quantifiers). Within each topic, the chapter provides an overview of the relevant experimental findings from SLA before considering intervention studies on the topic. Chapter 9 has the most diverse representation of target languages in the textbook; the target languages in the intervention studies reviewed include English, German, Spanish, Russian, French, and Japanese.
Who as a restrictive relativizer in English is an old change from above. In urban dialects, it still acts as a prestige form, whereas it is infrequent or negligible in rural British and American varieties. We compare earlier findings from Toronto, the largest city in the province of Ontario (D’Arcy & Tagliamonte, 2010), with a range of communities from the Ontario Dialects Project (Tagliamonte, 2003–present). While none of the rural locations has as much who as Toronto, there is a substantial range. Regions along the major highways to the north and east of the city have more who, while the smaller towns in less accessible locations have less, consistent with a Cascade Model effect (Labov, 2003). Nonetheless, who shows evidence of diffusion, increasing in apparent time in recent decades. We suggest that this reflects overt pressure from above, consistent with the enduring role that prestige plays in English relativizer variation.
Typical headed relatives in English include a relative pronoun which takes the head as its antecedent. However, some modifying when-clauses in this language are peculiar relatives in that their heads are not the antecedent of when and they do not even have temporal referents. In view of the peculiarity of this type of relative clause, a novel account of the syntactic generation and interpretation of temporal when-clauses is pro- posed. Under this account four lexical entries of when, which have different semantic and syntactic properties, are recognized. The semantics of various whens are analyzed based on existing work, while the syntactic properties of different whens in non-interrogative sentences are characterized in the form of lexical information, which is implemented in the framework of Dynamic Syntax. The work in this article enriches the description of the diversity of relatives and suggests that the analysis of relatives can be unified semantically but not syntactically.
In recent experimental work, arguments for or against Condition C reconstruction in A′-movement have been based on low/high availability of coreference in sentences with and without A′-movement. We argue that this reasoning is problematic: It involves arbitrary thresholds, and the results are potentially confounded by the different surface orders of the compared structures and non-syntactic factors. We present three experiments with designs that do not require defining thresholds of ‘low’ or ‘high’ coreference values. Instead, we focus on grammatical contrasts (wh-movement vs. relativization, subject vs. object wh-movement) and aim to identify and reduce confounds. The results show that reconstruction for A′-movement of DPs is not very robust in German, contra previous findings. Our results are compatible with the view that the surface order and non-syntactic factors (e.g. plausibility, referential accessibility of an R-expression) heavily influence coreference possibilities. Thus, the data argue against a theory that includes both reconstruction and a hard Condition C constraint. There is a residual contrast between sentences with subject/object movement, which is compatible with an account without reconstruction (and an additional non-syntactic factor) or an account with reconstruction (and a soft Condition C constraint).
Research on English relative clauses shows that, in most studies, subject relatives are comprehended more accurately than object relatives by both monolingual and bilingual children. The current study focuses on Czech-English bilingual children and extends this line of research in two ways. First, it includes a condition in which the noun phrases involved in the action differ in number (one is singular and the other is plural), a manipulation that was never tested on bilinguals. Second, it includes a fine-grained measure of language exposure, since the exposure has been linked to the acquisition of complex structures. Thirty-eight Czech-English bilinguals (aged 8–11 years) were tested on their comprehension of relative clauses using a picture matching paradigm. Results show that sentences with number mismatch were comprehended more accurately than match sentences and that subject relatives were comprehended more accurately than object relatives. In addition, in the subject relatives subset, higher exposure to English corresponded to poorer performance in relative clauses with number mismatch. Possible explanations for these findings are discussed.
This study investigated why object-gap relative clauses (RCs) are dominant in early child Mandarin. We discuss how restrictive-RCs differ from pseudo-RCs syntactically and pragmatically, and examine how these two types of RCs are distributed in the RC utterances of ten children and their caregivers. The results showed that (a) Mandarin-speaking children produce many more pseudo-RCs than restrictive-RCs, (b) restrictive-RCs exhibit a subject-gap advantage and are dominantly headed, and (c) pseudo-RCs exhibit an object-gap advantage and are dominantly headless. We propose that the development of restrictive-RCs is mainly influenced by the structural factor, and that the extensive use of pseudo-RCs is attributed to the communicative needs of young children. Our findings also suggest that young children’s pseudo-RCs tend to have a subject-focus reading, and the object-gap dominance observed in the pseudo-RCs of child Mandarin is related to the head-final RCs and the special structural features of the cleft construction in Mandarin.
As written language contains more complex syntax than spoken language, exposure to written language provides opportunities for children to experience language input different from everyday speech. We investigated the distribution and nature of relative clauses in three large developmental corpora: one of child-directed speech (targeted at pre-schoolers) and two of text written for children – namely, picture books targeted at pre-schoolers for shared reading and children’s own reading books. Relative clauses were more common in both types of book language. Within text, relative clause usage increased with intended age, and was more frequent in nonfiction than fiction. The types of relative clause structures in text co-occurred with specific lexical properties, such as noun animacy and pronoun use. Book language provides unique access to grammar not easily encountered in speech. This has implications for the distributional lexical-syntactic features and associated discourse functions that children experience and, from this, consequences for language development.
This paper investigates the comprehension of Relative Clauses (RCs) in 15 Mandarin children with suspected Specific Language Impairment (SLI) (aged between 4; 5 and 6; 0) and 29 typically developing (TD) controls. Results from a Character Picture Matching Task indicate that (i) the subject RC was better understood than the object RC in children with SLI, but there was no asymmetry in the comprehension of the two RCs in TD children; (ii) the performance of children with SLI was significantly worse than that of their TD peers; (iii) children with SLI were prone to committing thematic role reversal errors and middle errors. In order to overcome the shortcomings of previous accounts, we therefore put forward the Edge Feature Underspecification Hypothesis, which can not only explain the asymmetry of comprehension seen in children with SLI but also shed light on the nature of errors committed by them in the task.
In many introspective and corpus studies, inserting a resumptive pronoun in place of a gap in island-violating wh-dependency structures in English is said to amnesty, ameliorate, or repair the island violation, improving the acceptability of otherwise unacceptable structures. Most experimental studies on the acceptability of such resumptive structures, however, report that native speakers of English do not judge island-violating dependency structures with resumptive pronouns to be more acceptable than the ones with gaps. But studies testing the comprehensibility and processing of resumption report that resumptive pronouns increase the comprehensibility of island-violating structures and facilitate processing of long dependencies. These results taken together suggest that although resumptive pronouns in islands do not have an ameliorating effect on grammaticality, they may confer a processing benefit. A question, however, remains as to whether the reported enhanced comprehensibility and ease in processing actually increase the accuracy in interpreting the resumptive pronouns.
Participle clauses as postmodifiers in noun phrases (e.g. the window broken by the thief) have been discussed as a potential indication of densification, as they are shorter than their most obvious alternative, that is, finite relative clauses. A careful examination reveals that only a subset of tokens of participle and relative clauses can be considered equivalent and exchangeable, and to reflect this finding both variationist and text-linguistic analyses are carried out. There is some evidence of densification in newspaper language and, to some extent, scientific texts; history texts, in contrast, develop in the opposite direction, underscoring the importance of considering subgenres of academic writing. Among the newspapers considered, the Poor Man’s Guardian, which was aimed at working-class readers, shows no tendencies towards densification; this may be due to journalists’ perceptions about the paper’s readership. The issue of whether variationist or text-linguistic approaches are more suitable is discussed. Non-restrictive participle clauses are shown not to indicate densification; instead, they function as a characterizing or backgrounding device in narrative texts.
This chapter outlines an emergentist approach to understanding why human languages have the particular properties that they do and how those properties are acquired by children. Drawing on a variety of examples, it illustrates the role of two factors in shaping language and its acquisition: limitations on the resources available for processing utterances in real time, and the role of input in facilitating the acquisition of particular words and patterns. Both these factors fit well with a key claim of linguistic emergentism, which is that the human language faculty is shaped by forces – cognition, perception, memory, computation, and experience – that are not themselves linguistic in character. The emergentist approach thus provides an alternative to theories that attribute the unique human ability to learn and use language to an inborn Universal Grammar. The second line of inquiry pursued investigates the emergence of particular features of Korean, especially reflexive pronouns and relative clauses, in child and adult heritage learners. The developmental profile associated with these phenomena fits well with the emergentist approach to language, and helps confirm that heritage languages are learned in essentially the same way as languages that are acquired in a monolingual setting.
This chapter integrates the treatments of quantifier phrases, genitives, and pronouns from Chapters 6 and 7 in a more detailed assignment-variable-based layered n analysis of noun phrases. Applications to additional effects associated with “specificity” are explored, including presuppositional vs. nonpresuppositional uses, contextual domain restriction, weak vs. strong quantifiers, existential ‘there’ sentences, and modal independence. Possibilities for nonlocal readings of world arguments are captured in a general phase-based syntax. An alternative matching analysis of relative clauses is provided, which improves on the head-raising account from Chapter 6. A semantics incorporating events is briefly considered in a parallel layered v analysis of verb phrases.
This chapter develops an improved assignment-variable-based compositional semantics for head-raising analyses of restrictive relative clauses, and applies the account to certain types of pronominal anaphora. The speculative choice-function based analysis of names from Chapter 4 is extended to certain indefinites, relative words, and donkey pronouns. An analysis of donkey pronouns as copies of their linguistic antecedent is supported by crosslinguistic data. Nominal quantifiers are treated as introducing quantification over assignments. The proposed semantics for quantifiers helps capture linguistic shifting data in universal, existential, and asymmetric readings of donkey sentences. Additional composition rules or principles for interpreting reconstructed phrases aren’t required (e.g., Predicate Abstraction, Predicate Modification, Trace Conversion). The semantics is fully compositional. Critical challenges are discussed.
Present-day English is unlike Old English in not using singular demonstrative pronouns with anaphoric reference to human beings. This article adds to the contributions of Cole (2017) and Los & van Kemenade (2018) in our understanding of the factors determining the choice between personal and demonstrative pronouns in Old English by documenting the hitherto unexamined use of these pronouns as heads of relative clauses. It also traces how the singular demonstrative pronouns referring to humans retreated as heads of relative clauses in Early Middle English. A corpus-based study shows that third-person personal pronouns were unusual as heads of relative clauses in Old English and normally referred to specific individuals, while demonstratives were the pronouns of choice for generic reference but could also refer to specific individuals. The increased use of personal pronouns for generic reference is well underway in Early Middle English. While the retreat of the singular demonstrative pronouns to refer to humans in Early Middle English seems to have some connection with the reduced marking of feature distinctions in that period, a simple explanation in terms of loss of gender is untenable.
This chapter gives an introductory overview of the patterns of reference and nominal syntax in the languages of mainland Southeast Asia. The chapter begins with the principles by which head nouns are modified, for example by adjectives or relative clauses, or in possessive constructions. Many languages of the area have systems of nominal classification, especially numeral classifiers and class terms. Personal pronoun systems range from extremely simple, such as in certain varieties of Chinese, to extremely complex, such as in the systems of Thai, Burmese, or Cambodian, whose systems of pronouns show elaborate distinctions in social-hierarchical structure and politeness. Demonstrative systems of the area span the range of complexity, ranging from two-term systems to systems with eight or more distinctions.
This chapter examines a range of movement operations by which phrases can move to spec-CP. It begins by arguing (6.1) that wh-questions are CPs containing a wh-constituent which moves from some position below C into spec-CP. It goes on (6.2) to show how question words can pied-pipe additional material along with them when they move, and argues that this is in consequence of putatively universal principles governing movement. There is then (6.3) discussion of evidence that long Wh-Movement proceeds one clause at a time, and of constraints which determine how it applies. 6.4 examines the syntax of wh-exclamatives, arguing that these too involve Wh-Movement, and discussing the factors determining what moves where. 6.5 discusses various types of relative clause, and provides a Wh-Movement account of restrictive relative clauses, as well as sketching an alternative Antecedent Raising account. The chapter concludes with a summary (6.6), and a set of bibliographical notes (6.7). Accompanying free-to-download materials include a Workbook and Answerbook for students, and an Answerbook and set of PowerPoints for teachers.
This chapter looks at the syntax of adjuncts, beginning with the head adjunction operation which adjoins one head to another (3.1). The remainder of the chapter looks at phrasal adjunction operations which adjoin one phrase to another. 3.2 looks at how adverbial/prepositional phrases, subordinate clauses and topics can be adjoined to TP, and thereby be positioned between complementiser and subject. 3.3 argues that adverbial/prepositional phrases and extraposed constituents can be adjoined to VP. 3.4 argues that adnominal adjectival phrases are adjoined to noun phrases, and considers possible ways of accounting for the relative ordering of structures containing multiple adnominal adjectival phrases. 3.5 proposes a related analysis of adnominal prepositional phrases and relative clauses as NP adjuncts. The recursive nature of adjunction and the nature of constraints on adjunction are also discussed. The chapter concludes with a summary (3.6), and a set of bibliographical notes (3.7). Accompanying free-to-download materials include a Workbook and Answerbook for students, and an Answerbook and set of PowerPoints for teachers.