Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-hc48f Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-22T18:25:54.245Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

German Flooding of the Pontine Marshes in World War II: Biological Warfare Or Total War Tactic?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 May 2016

Erhard Geissler
Affiliation:
Max Delbrück Center for Molecular Medicine Berlin-Buch, Germany [email protected]
Jeanne Guillemin
Affiliation:
Security Studies Program Center for International Studies Massachusetts Institute of Technology Cambridge, MA [email protected]

Abstract

Core share and HTML view are not available for this content. However, as you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.

The German army's 1943 flooding of the Pontine Marshes south of Rome, which later caused a sharp rise in malaria cases among Italian civilians, has recently been described by historian Frank Snowden as a unique instance of biological warfare and bioterrorism in the European theater of war and, consequently, as a violation of the 1925 Geneva Protocol prohibiting chemical and biological warfare. We argue that archival documents fail to support this allegation, on several counts. As a matter of historical record, Hitler prohibited German biological weapons (BW) development and consistently adhered to the Geneva Protocol. Rather than biological warfare against civilians, the Wehrmacht used flooding, land mines, and the destruction of vital infrastructure to obstruct the Allied advance. To protect its own troops in the area, the German army sought to contain the increased mosquito breeding likely to be caused by the flooding. Italians returning to the Pontine Marshes after the German retreat in 1944 suffered malaria as a result of environmental destruction, which was banned by the 1899 and 1907 Hague Conventions and by subsequent treaties. In contrast, a state's violation of the Geneva Protocol, whether past or present, involves the use of germ weapons and, by inference, a state-level capability. Any allegation of such a serious violation demands credible evidence that meets high scientific and legal standards of proof.

Type
Research Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Association for Politics and the Life Sciences 

References

1.Robinson, Julian Perry et al., The Problem of Chemical and Biological Warfare, Vol. III: CBW and the Law of War (New York: Humanities Press, 1973), pp. 3689.Google Scholar
2.Clunan, Anne L., Lavoy, Peter R., and Martin, Susan B., eds., Terrorism, War, or Disease: Unraveling the Use of Biological Weapons (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2007), pp. 34, 324–326.Google Scholar
3.Furmanski, Martin and Wheelis, Mark, “Allegations of biological weapons use,” in Deadly Cultures. Biological Weapons Since 1945, Wheelis, Mark, Rozsa, Lajos, and Dando, Malcolm, eds. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006), pp. 252283.Google Scholar
4.Powell, John W., “Japan's germ warfare: The U.S. cover-up of a war crime,” Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars 1980, 12(4): 217; Williams, Peter and Wallace, David, Unit 731: The Japanese Army's Secret of Secrets (Seven Oaks, Kent: Hodeer and Stoughton, 1989); Harris, Sheldon, Factories of Death: Japanese Biological Warfare, 1932–1945 (London: Routledge, 1994); Xiofang, Li, Blood-weeping Accusations: Records of Anthrax Victims (Beijing: CCP Press, 2005); Guillemin, Jeanne, “Imperial Japan's germ warfare: the suppression of evidence at the Tokyo war crimes trial, 1946–1948,” inClunan, , Lavoy, , and Martin, , pp. 165–185.Google Scholar
5.Leitenberg, Milton, “Resolution of the Korean War biological warfare allegations,” Critical Reviews in Microbiology 1998, 24(3): 169194, and “The Korean War biological weapons allegations: Additional information and disclosures,” Asian Perspective, 2000, 24(3): 159–172.Google Scholar
6.Zilinskas, Raymond A., “Cuban allegations of biological warfare by the United States: Assessing the evidence,” Critical Reviews in Microbiology 1999, 25(3): 173227.Google Scholar
7.Meselson, Matthew S. and Robinson, Julian Perry, “The yellow rain affair: Lessons from a discredited allegation,” in Clunan, , Lavoy, , and Martin, , pp. 7296; Pribbenow, Merle L., “‘Yellow rain’: Lessons from an earlier WMD controversy,” International Journal of Intelligence and Counterintelligence, 2006, 19:737–745; Katz, Rebecca and Singer, Burton, “Can an attribution assessment be made for Yellow Rain? Systematic reanalysis in a chemical-and-biological-weapons use investigation.” Politics and the Life Sciences, 2007, 26(1): 24–42.Google Scholar
8.Nass, Meryl, “Anthrax epizootic in Zimbabwe, 1978–1980: Due to deliberate spread?” PSR Quarterly 1992, 2:198209; Martinez, Ian, “The history of the use of bacteriological and chemical weapons during Zimbabwe's Liberation War of 1965–1980 by Rhodesian forces,” Third World Quarterly, 2002, 23(6):1159–1179.Google Scholar
9.Geissler, Erhard, “Biological warfare activities in Germany, 1923–1945,” in Biological and Toxin Weapons: Research, Development, and Use from the Middle Ages to 1945, Geissler, Erhard and van Courtland Moon, John Ellis, eds. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 91126; Robinson, Julian Perry, pp. 222–223.Google Scholar
10.Snowden, Frank M., The Conquest of Malaria: Italy, 1900–1962 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), pp. 181197; see alsoSnowden, Frank M., “From triumph to disaster: Fascism and malaria in the Pontine Marshes, 1928–1946,” in Disastro: Disasters in Italy Since 1860, Dickie, John, Foot, John, and Snowden, Frank N., eds. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), pp. 113–140. In this article, Snowden uses the term “biological warfare” to characterize German activities, but not “bioterrorism.” See also, Snowden, Frank M, “Latina Province, 1994–1950,” Journal of Contemporary History, 2008, 43(3):509–526.Google Scholar
11.Snowden, , p. 187.Google Scholar
12.Ibid., p. 192.Google Scholar
13.Shepperd, G. A., The Italian Campaign, 1943–1945: A Political and Military Reassessment (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1968), pp. 203207.Google Scholar
14.Beck, Alfred M., Bortz, Abe, Lynch, Charles W., Mayo, Lida, and Weld, Ralph F., The Corps of Engineers: The War Against Germany (Washington, DC: U.S. Army Center of Military History, 1985), pp. 160209.Google Scholar
15.Linoli, Antonio, “Twenty-six centuries of reclamation and agricultural improvement on the Pontine Marshes,” ICID 21st European Regional Conference Report, May 15–19, 2005, 27–55, 50; IIvento, A., “The reclamation of the Pontine Marshes,” Quarterly Bulletin of Health Organization (Geneva: League of Nations), June 1934, 3:157201.Google Scholar
16.Morris, Eric, Circles of Hell: The War in Italy, 1943–1945 (New York: Crown, 1993), p. 267.Google Scholar
17.Robinson, Julian Perry et al., The Problem of Chemical and Biological Warfare, Vol. I: The Rise of Chemical and Biological Weapons (New York: Humanities Press, 1971), pp. 214230; Geissler, and Moon, ; Guillemin, Jeanne, Biological Weapons: From the Invention of State-sponsored Programs to Contemporary Bioterrorism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005); Balmer, Brian, Britain and Biological Warfare. Expert Advice and Science Policy, 1930–65 (London: Palgrave, 2004).Google Scholar
18.Goudsmit, Samuel, Alsos (Los Angeles: Tomash, 1983); Gimbel, John, Science, Technology and Reparations: Exploitation and Plunder in Postwar Germany (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1990); Home, R. W. and Lowe, Morris F., Postwar scientific intelligence missions to Japan,” Isis, 1993, 84:527–537.Google Scholar
19.Drea, Edward et al., Researching Japanese War Crimes: Introductory Essays (Washington, DC: NARA [National Archives and Records Administration] for the Nazi War Crimes and Japanese Imperial Government Records Interagency Working Group, 2006), pp. 8999.Google Scholar
20.Brophy, Leo P., Miles, Wyndham D., and Cochrane, Rexmond C., The Chemical Warfare Service: From Laboratory to Field (Washington, DC: Office of the Chief of Military History, Department of the Army, 1959), pp. 112115Google Scholar
21.Longden, Sean, T-Force: The Race for Nazi War Secrets, 1945 (London: Constable, 2009), pp. 206207.Google Scholar
22.Schreiber, G., Deutsche Kriegsverbrechen: Täter, Opfer, Strafverfolgung [German War Crimes: Perpetrator, Victim, Criminal Prosecution] (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1996).Google Scholar
23.Snowden, , p. 182.Google Scholar
24.“Appendix 2. Multilateral treaties constraining military disruption of the environment: Excerpts,” in Cultural Norms, War, and the Environment, Westing, Arthur H., ed. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 163167.Google Scholar
25.Balmer, , pp. 1428.Google Scholar
26.Brophy, , Miles, , and Cochrane, .Google Scholar
27.Inglis, T. B., (Chief of Naval Intelligence), “Naval aspects of biological warfare,” 5 Aug 1947, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, MD, RG 330, pp. 6073, 73.Google Scholar
28.Geissler, Erhard, “Anwendung von Seuchenmitteln gegen Menschen nicht erwünscht” [The banned use of epidemic agents against human beings], Militärgeschichtliche Mitteilungen 1997, 56(2): 107155.Google Scholar
29.Geissler inGeissler, and Moon, , pp. 98103; Fox, Major Leon A., “Bacterial warfare: The use of biologic agents in warfare,” The Military Surgeon 1933, 72(3): 189–307.Google Scholar
30.Cable 16385, U.S. Embassy London for Sec. State, 20 September 1939, 740.00116 EUROPEAN WAR, Edgewood Arsenal Historical Office, Edgewood, MD; Geissler, 675677.Google Scholar
31.Brown, Frederic, Chemical Warfare: A Study in Restraints (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books, 2006 edition), pp. 230246.Google Scholar
32.Geissler inGeissler, and Moon, , pp. 100101; Lepick, Olivier, “French activities related to biological warfare,” in Geissler, and Moon, , pp. 7090.Google Scholar
33.Kliewe, Heinrich, “Official report to Col. Münch, Army High Command, Armed Forces Operations Staff, Subject: bacterial preparations, of 28 Jan. 1943” in Alsos Mission 1945, Translation of German Folder of Official Directives and Correspondence on BW, Report no. C-H/303. MIS, War Department: Washington, DC. National Archives, Washington, DC, RG319 G2, P-Project File, Box 3, pp. 13. English translation provided by Alsos. All other translations from German are by E. G.Google Scholar
34.“General in charge of smoke-screen forces. Re: U.S. experiments with bacterial/deliveries to England. Top Secret.” Interview dated 23 May 1942, Ibid., p. 20.Google Scholar
35.Schramm, Percy E., Kriegstagebuch des Oberkommandos der Wehrmacht (Wehrmachtführungstab) [War Diary of the High Command of the Army (Armed Forces Operations Staff)] (Bonn: Bernard & Grafe, 1961–1979), Vol. 2, 2nd part, p. 879, entry of 30 October 1942.Google Scholar
36.Brophy, , Miles, , and Cochrane, , p. 114.Google Scholar
38.Geissler, Erhard, Biologische Waffen: Nicht in Hitlers Arsenalen. Biologische und Toxin-Kampfmittel in Deutschland von 1915 bis 1945 [Biological Weapons: Not in Hitler's Arsenals. Biological and Toxin Weapons in Germany from 1915 to 1945], 2nd revised ed. (Münster: LIT, 1999), pp. 669692.Google Scholar
39.Ibid., pp. 341378.Google Scholar
40.Kliewe, H., “Bacterial war. Top Secret. 19 Jan 1943,” 1945, Alsos Mission, pp. 2836.Google Scholar
41.Kliewe, H., “Conference at Army High Command, Operations Staff on 9 Mar 1943. Top Secret,” 1945, Ibid., p. 37.Google Scholar
42.Keitel, W., “Conference with armed forces operations staff, on 9 Mar 1943,” 1945, Ibid., p. 39.Google Scholar
43.Geissler, 1999, pp. 379411.Google Scholar
44.Sievers, W.an Prof. Dr. Kurt Blome, 30 September 1943, Bundesarchiv Berlin-Lichterfelde (BAL), R26/III 539a, 175178.Google Scholar
45.“Subject: Interrogation of Blome, Director of German B.W. Activities. Information on Prof. Hornung,” Report No. B-C/250, 30 July 1945,”Alsos Mission, p. 16.Google Scholar
46.May, E., Bericht über die laufenden und geplanten Arbeiten des Entomologischen Instituts. [Report on ongoing and planned experiments of the Institute for Entomology] 23 Sep 1944, WI Research; E. May, “Schreiben an Herrn Prof. Dr. [K.] Blome über SS-Standartenführer [W.] Sievers” [Letter to Prof. Blome through SS Colonel Sievers], 29 Sep 1944, BAL N19/3016.Google Scholar
47.Archival research in Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom by Wolfgang U. Eckart (Heidelberg), Erhard Geissler, Marion Hulverscheidt (Berlin), and Gerhard Schreiber (Gundelfingen-Wildtal).Google Scholar
48.The website of the International Committee of the Red Cross gives full information on these treaties and state parties to them (http://icrc.org/ihl.nsf). The full title of the 1929 Geneva Convention is the Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armies in the Field.Google Scholar
49.“[Notes on the] Participation of C. Navy in the Führer Briefing on 19 Feb. 1700 hours,” 20 February 1945. In Trial of the Major War Criminals Before the International Military Tribunal Nuremberg, 14 Nov. 1945–1 Oct. 1946, Secretariat of the Tribunal, Nuremberg, 1947–49. Staatsarchiv Nürnberg (SAN), 158-C, Report 502, C56-58.Google Scholar
50.Schramm, , Vol. 4, 2nd part, p. 1609.Google Scholar
51.Anonymous (High Command of the Navy) “Fernschreiben an Hptm Cartellieri. Geheime Kommandosache” [Telex to Col. Cartellieri], 20 Feb 1945. Institut für Zeitgeschichte München (IfZ), MA 240, 9325–9326.Google Scholar
52.Schramm, , Vol. 4, 2nd part, entry of 19 Feb 1945, p. 1609.Google Scholar
53.Cartellieri, Wolfgang, “Betr.: Kündigung völkerrechtlicher Abkommen” [Renunciation of international legal agreements], 20 February, 1945. IfZ MA240, pp. 93259326.Google Scholar
54.Jodl, Alfred, “Draft of Jodl's Report to Hitler, 21 February 1945. Analysis of the advantages and disadvantages of denouncing international agreements on the conduction of war: The disadvantages greatly outweigh the advantages.” Geheime Kommandosache Document 606-D, Trial of the Major War Criminals, pp. 181186.Google Scholar
56.Schramm, , Vol. 4, 2nd part, entry of 19 Feb 1945, p. 1609.Google Scholar
57.Henry, BasilHart, Liddell, The Other Side of the Hill. Germany's Generals: Their Rise and Fall, with Their Own Account of Military Events, 1939–1945 (London: Cassell, 1973 ed.), pp. 368369.Google Scholar
58.Henry, BasilHart, Liddell, History of the Second World War (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1982), pp. 472475.Google Scholar
59.Blumensen, Martin, Anzio: The Gamble that Failed (Philadephia: Lippencott, 1963), p. 29.Google Scholar
60.Schramm, , Vol. 3, 2nd part, entry of 14 Oct 1943, p. 1199.Google Scholar
61.Director General of the Istituto Superiore di Sanità, “Letter to the Undersecretary of State, 24 Aug 1944,” Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Ministero degli Interni, ISS, Laboratorio di Parassitologia, B7.Google Scholar
62.Atkinson, Rick, The Day of Battle: The War in Sicily and Italy, 1943–1944 (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 2007), p. 367.Google Scholar
64.Schramm, , Vol. 3, 2nd part, entry of 17 Nov 1943, p. 1288.Google Scholar
65.Blumensen, , p. 96.Google Scholar
66.Kesselring, Albrecht, Soldat bis zum letzten Tag [A Soldier Until the Last Day] (Schnellbach: Verlag S. Bublies, 2000) p. 279.Google Scholar
67.Beck, et al., p. 211.Google Scholar
68.Rodenwaldt, Ernst, Ein Tropenarzt erzählt sein Leben [A Tropical Doctor Tells about His Life] (Stuttgart: Ferdinand Enke Verlag, 1957), p. 409.Google Scholar
69.Manson, Patrick, “Experimental proof of the mosquito-malaria theory,” British Medical Journal, 1900, II: 949951; Grassi, Battista, Documenti Riguardanti la Storia della Scoperta del Modo di Transmissione dell Malarai Umana (Milan: A. Racanti, 1903).Google Scholar
70.Greenwood, Brian M., Bojang, Kalifa, Whitty, Christopher J.F., and Targett, Geoffrey A. T., “Malaria,” The Lancet April 23, 2005, 365: 14871498.Google Scholar
71.Caprotti, Federico, “Malaria and technological networks: Medical geography in the Pontine Marshes, Italy, in the 1930s,” The Geographical journal 2006, 172 (2):145155.Google Scholar
72.Snowden, , p. 181.Google Scholar
73.des Heeres, Generalstab, Abteilung für Kriegskarten und Vermessungswesen [General Staff of the Army, Department of Military Maps and Surveying], Militärgeographischer Überblick über die Halbinsel Italien (ohne Italienisches Alpengebiet) (Entwurf) [Military geographical survey on the peninsula Italy (except Italian Alp districts) (Draft)], 1 June 1943. Bundesarchiv Militärarchiv, Freiburg/Breisgau (BAMA) RHD 21/203; Heinrich Hornung, Gesundheitsfürsorge durch die Deutsche Wehrmacht für die Zivilbevölkerung in den besetzten Gebieten [Health care for the civilian population in occupied areas by the German army], January 1945. Akademie des Sanitäts-und Gesundheitswesens der Bundeswehr, Bibliothek, p. 22.Google Scholar
74.Snowden, , p. 187.Google Scholar
75.Ibid., pp. 192193.Google Scholar
76.Ibid., p. 192.Google Scholar
77.Rodenwaldt, Ernst and Junge, Werner, “Die Malaria der deutschen Truppen in Albanien und Montenegro im zweiten Weltkrieg” [Malaria among German troops in Albania and Montengro during World War II], Wehrdienst und Gesundheit, 1962, 6:71174.Google Scholar
78.Snowden, , p. 188.Google Scholar
79.Ibid., p. 191.Google Scholar
80.Ibid, , p. 188.Google Scholar
81.Ibid, , pp. 188189Google Scholar
83.Mission, Alsos, A Review of German Activities in the Field of Biological Warfare. Report B-C-H-H/305, 12 Sept 1945.Google Scholar
84.Geissler, , 1999, pp. 554556, 563.Google Scholar
85.Erich Martini: Schreiben an [letter to] Dr. E. May, 14 Sep 1942, BAL.Google Scholar
86.[W.] Sievers, Schreiben an Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler. “Betr.: Erforschung und Bekämpfung der auf den Menschen einwirkenden Insekten,” 20 January 1942 [Letter to Reichsfuehrer-SS Heinrich Himmler. Re.: Research on and control of insects affecting humans]. BAL R25III/287.Google Scholar
87.[W.] Sievers, 1942, Vermerk. “Fernmündlicher Anruf des Reichsführers-SS aus dem Führerhauptquartier am 70. 28.1.1942, 19.55” [Telephone call of Heinrich Himmler from the Headquarter of the Fuehrer on 28 Jan 1942, 19:55 hours], BAL R26/III 287.Google Scholar
88.Lifton, Robert Jay, Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (New York: Basic Books, 2000); Ulf Schmidt, Karl Brandt: The Nazi Doctor. Medicine and Power in the Third Reich (New York: Continuum Publishers, 2007); Müller-Hill, Benno, Murderous Science: Elimination by Scientific Selection of Jews, Gypsies, and Others (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988, George R. Fraser, trans.).Google Scholar
89.Spitz, Vivien, Doctors from Hell. The Horrific Account of Nazi Experiments on Humans, (Boulder, CO: Sentient Publications, 2005), pp. 103114; Schmidt, Ulf, Leo Alexander and the Nazi Doctors' Trial (Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004).Google Scholar
90.Geissler, , 1999, pp. 391394; Schmidt, , p. 281.Google Scholar
91.Rodenwaldt, , p. 409.Google Scholar
92.Peter, F. M., undated (presumably 1945), “Erfahrungen in der Malaria-Abwehr bei der Truppe in Italien” [Experiences with the fight against malaria in the troops in Italy]. Bundesarchiv Militärarchiv (BAMA), Freiburg/Brsg., RH 12–23 (Früher H20/1093), p. 3.Google Scholar
93.Rodenwaldt, , p. 447.Google Scholar
94.Missiroli, Alberto, “Letter to the Director General of the Istituto Superiore di Sanità, 29 Nov,” 1943, Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Ministero degli Interni, ISS, Laboratorio di Parassitologia, B7.Google Scholar
95.Rodenwaldt, , p. 447.Google Scholar
96.Quoted inSnowden, , pp. 190191.Google Scholar
97.Snowden, , p. 191.Google Scholar
98.Rodenwaldt, Ernst, “Malaria, ihre epidemiologie und bekämpfung” [Malaria, its epidemiology and control], in Hygiene, teil III: Vorbeugende Hygiene [Hygiene, part III: Prophylactical Hygiene]. Naturforschung und Medizin in Deutschland 1939–1946 [Natural Science and Medicine in Germany], Vol. 68, Rodenwaldt, Ernst, ed. (Wiesbaden: Dieterisch'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1948), pp. 273302, 277–278.Google Scholar
99.Schramm, , Vol. 3, 2nd part, entry of 14 Oct 1943, p. 1199.Google Scholar
100.Rodenwaldt, , pp. 298299.Google Scholar
101.Snowden, , p. 188.Google Scholar
102.Hackett, Lewis W. and Missiroli, Alberto, “The varieties of anopheles maculipennis and their relation to the distribution of malaria in Europe,” Revista de Malariologia 1935, 14:45109Google Scholar
103.Snowden, , p. 189.Google Scholar
104.Hornung, , p. 23.Google Scholar
105.Peter, , p. 4.Google Scholar
106.Ibid., pp. 16.Google Scholar
108.Kesselring, , p. 283.Google Scholar
109.Peter, , p. 23.Google Scholar
110.Schreiber, Gerhard, personal communication to E.G., 18 July 2008.Google Scholar
111.Snowden, , p. 195.Google Scholar
112.Martini, Erich, Medizinische Entomologie (Jena: Gustav Fischer Verlag, 1952), pp. 431435.Google Scholar
113.Shepperd, , p. 206.Google Scholar
114.Morselli, Guiseppe, “Summary of work carried on regarding bacteriological warfare,” 19 July 1944, Rome; “Answers to questions presented July 23 [1944]”; “Answers to questions presented July 28 [1944],” National Archive Washington (NAW), RG 165, E 486, B 67 2345 NW 441.2.Google Scholar
115.Levy, Barry S., Shahi, Gurinder S., and Lee, Chen, “The environmental consequences of war,” in War and Public Health, Levy, Barry S. and Sidel, Victor W., eds. (Washington, DC: American Public Health Association, 2000), pp. 5162.Google Scholar
116.Snowden, , p. 203.Google Scholar
117.Hoskins, Eric, “Public health and the Persian gulf war,” in Levy, and Sidel, , pp. 254278.Google Scholar
118.Kennedy, David, Of War and Law (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2006), p. 145.Google Scholar
119.Linoli, , pp. 5051.Google Scholar
120.Atkinson, , p. 367.Google Scholar
121.Packard, Randall M., The Making of a Tropical Disease: A Short History of Malaria (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007), fn. 44, p. 276.Google Scholar
122.Greenwood, Brian, “Lessons from Italy,” Nature June 22, 2006, 441: 993994.Google Scholar
123.Guillemin, Jeanne, “Inventing bioterrorism: The political construction of civilian risk,” in Making Threats: Biofears and Environmental Anxieties, Hartmann, Betsy, Subramaniam, Banu, and Zerner, Charles, eds. (New York: Rowman & Littlefield, 2005), pp. 197216.Google Scholar
124.Snowden, , p. 191.Google Scholar
125.Klotz, Lynn C. and Sylvester, Edward J., Breeding Bio Insecurity: How U.S. Biodefense Is Exporting Fear, Globalizing Risk, and Making Us All Less Secure (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009); Koblentz, Gregory D., Living Weapons: Biological Warfare and International Security (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009); Mukunda, Gautam, Oye, Kenneth A., and Mohr, Scott C., “What rough beast? Synthetic biology, uncertainty, and the future of biosecurity,” Politics and the Life Sciences, 2009, 28(2): 2–26.Google Scholar
126.Lavoy, Peter R., “Knowledge gaps and threat assessments,” in Bioterrorism: Confronting a Complex Threat, Wenger, Andreas and Wollenmann, Reto, eds. (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2007), pp. 93118.Google Scholar