Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-mkpzs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-28T11:02:08.611Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The ‘Great Temple of Solomon’ at Stirling Castle

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 April 2016

Ian Campbell  and
Aonghus Mackechnie
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

In 1594, a new Chapel Royal was erected at Stirling Castle, for the baptism, on 30 August of that year, of Prince Henry, first-born son and heir to James VI King of Scots and his wife, Queen Anna, sister of Denmark’s Christian IV. James saw the baptism as a major opportunity to emphasize, to an international — and, above all, English — audience, both his own and Henry’s suitability as heirs to England’s childless and elderly Queen Elizabeth. To commemorate the baptism and associated festivities, a detailed written account was produced, entitled A True Reportarie and attributed to William Fowler. It provided a remarkable piece of Stuart propaganda, as testified by many subsequent reprints, including during the 1745 Jacobite Rebellion. James no doubt had in mind the example of the celebrations at his own baptism in December 1566, which ‘took the form of a triumphant Renaissance festival, the first that Scotland — and indeed Great Britain — had ever seen’. Despite apparently being constructed within a mere seven months, the new chapel achieved its aim of being both impressive and symbolic of the aspirations of the Scottish king (Fig. 1). It can claim to be the earliest Renaissance church in Britain, with its main entrance framed by a triumphal arch, flanked by Italianate windows. However, even more significant is the evidence that the chapel was deliberately modelled on the Temple of Solomon in Jerusalem.

Type
Research Article
Information
Architectural History , Volume 54 , 2011 , pp. 91 - 118
Copyright
Copyright © Society of Architectural Historians of Great Britain 2011

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

1 Most unfortunately, an important source of information on James VI’s interest in Solomon and freemasonry was discovered too late for its insights to be incorporated in the present article: Schuchard, Marsha Keith, Restoring the Temple of Vision: Cabalistic Freemasonry and Stuart Culture (Leiden, Boston and Cologne, 2002)Google Scholar.

2 Fowler, William, A True reportarie of the most triumphant, and royal accomplishment of the baptisme of the most excellent, right high, and mightie prince, Frederik Henry; by the grace of God, Prince of Scotland Solemnized the 30. day of August. 1594 (Edinburgh, 1594)Google Scholar. An Anglicized version was also published in London in the same year. Our references are to the reprint in Fowler, William, The Works of William Fowler, ed. Meikle, Henry W., 3 vols, Scottish Text Society, n.s., 6, 7, 13 (Edinburgh, 1914–40), II, pp. 169–95 Google Scholar. On Fowler, see Dunnigan, S. M., ‘Fowler, William (1560/61–1612)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, online edn (henceforth ODNB) (Oxford University Press, September 2004; online edn, October 2006)Google Scholar, at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/10015 (accessed on 5 July 2010). On the Reportarie, see Bowers, R., ‘James VI, Prince Henry and A True Reportarie of Baptism at Stirling 1594’, Renaissance and Reformation, 29/4 (2005), pp. 3–22 Google Scholar.

3 Lynch, Michael, ‘Queen Mary’s Triumph: the Baptismal Celebrations at Stirling in December 1566’, Scottish Historical Review, 69 (1990), pp. 1–21 Google Scholar (p. 2). The 1566 baptism also broke with precedent in taking place months after James’s birth, which allowed the elaborate celebrations to be planned. His mother Mary’s baptism took place within days of her birth in 1542, as did that of the future Edward VI of England in 1537. In both cases the baptisms were essentially private or court religious ceremonies: see Watkins, Susan, Mary Queen of Scots (London, 2001), p. 13 Google Scholar, and Literary Remains of King Edward the Sixth: Edited From His Autograph Manuscripts with Historical Notes and a Biographical Memoir, ed. Nichols, John Gough (London, 1875), pp. cclv-cclxii Google Scholar.

4 For a detailed description of the chapel, see The Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland (henceforth RCAHMS), Stirlingshire: an Inventory of the Ancient Monuments, 2 vols (Edinburgh, 1963), I, pp. 186–87 Google Scholar and 211–13, no. 192. See also Fawcett, Richard, Stirling Castle (London, 1995), pp. 73–75 Google Scholar; and Gifford, John and Walker, Frank Arneil, Stirlingshire and Central Scotland (New Haven and London, 2002), pp. 683–84 Google Scholar.

5 Howard, Deborah, Scottish Architecture: Reformation to Restoration, 1560–1660 (Edinburgh, 1995), pp. 30–35 Google Scholar.

6 MacKechnie, Aonghus, ‘James Vi’s Architects and Their Architecture’, in The Reign of James VI, ed. Goodare, Julian and Lynch, Michael (Edinburgh, 2000), pp. 154–69 (pp. 163–65)Google Scholar.

7 Dunbar, John G., Scottish Royal Palaces: the Architecture of the Royal Residences During the Late Medieval and Early Renaissance Periods (East Linton, 1999), pp. 40–55 Google Scholar; Glendinning, Miles, Maclnnes, Ranald and MacKechnie, Aonghus, A History of Scottish Architecture from the Renaissance to the Present Day (Edinburgh, 1996), pp. 9, 13–19 Google Scholar.

8 RCAHMS, Stirlingshire, 1, pp. 212–13 Google Scholar.

9 Dunbar, Scottish Royal Palaces, p. 41.

10 Ibid.

11 For the siting and planning of early Tudor royal chapels, see Thurley, Simon, ‘The Cloister and the Hearth: Wolsey, Henry VIII and the Early Tudor Palace Plan’, Journal of the British Archaeological Association, 162 (2009), pp. 179–95 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 Rogers, Charles, History of the Chapel Royal of Scotland: With the Register of the Chapel Royal of Stirling, Including Details in Relation to the Rise and Progress of Scottish Music and Observations Respecting the Order of the Thistle, Grampian Club, vol. 20 (Edinburgh, 1882), p. lxii Google Scholar.

13 Lynch, ‘Queen Mary’s Triumph’, p. 10.

14 Rogers, Chapel Royal, pp. lxxv-lxxvii.

15 Ibid., p. xciv. Fowler’s report that the provost and prebends sang at the baptism must mean those from the Holy rood chapel, although the terminology seems to hark back to the pre-Reformation collegiate establishment (Fowler, Works, 11, p. 182).

16 Paton, Henry M. (ed.), Accounts of the Masters of Works for Building and Repairing Royal Palaces and Castles: Volume I 1529–1615 (Edinburgh, 1957), pp. xxvii-xxviii Google Scholar and 310–11.

17 Fowler, , Works, II, pp. 169–70 Google Scholar.

18 Leslie was the lay commendator of Lindores Abbey from 1574, but it appears that it was his son, also Patrick, who was created a lord of parliament with the title Lord Lindores in 1600; see ‘Lindores’ at http://www.electricscotland.com/history/nation/lindores.htm (accessed on 5 July 2010).

19 See Dunnigan, ‘Fowler, William (1560/61–1612)’. It seems odd that William Schaw, who is recorded as the king’s Master of Ceremonies on his epitaph in Dunfermline Abbey, is nowhere named in connection with the baptismal ceremonies, although the Master of Ceremonies did have a role ( Fowler, , Works, II, p. 181)Google Scholar; nor is he named as designer of the chapel.

20 Rogers, Chapel Royal, p. lxxxii; followed by Fawcett, Stirling Castle, p. 74.

21 Stevenson, David, ‘Schaw, William (1549/50–1602)’, ODNB at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/24799 (accessed on 6 July 2010)Google Scholar. See also Stevenson, David, The Origins of Freemasonry; Scotland’s Century 1590–1710 (Cambridge, 1988), pp. 26–32 Google Scholar. The epitaph also describes him as royal Master of Ceremonies.

22 Fowler, , Works, II, p. 181 Google Scholar. Fawcett, Stirling Castle, p. 74, believes Leslie to be Master of Ceremonies, but provides no evidence.

23 Schaw, a Catholic, had become Master of Works in 1583, after Robert Drummond of Carnock was dismissed, apparently for having been implicated in the Ruthven Raid, the attempt led by the Earl of Cowrie to impose an extreme Presbyterian regime on Scotland; see Stevenson, Origins, p. 28. Drummond’s son, John, was married to Fowler’s sister, which may have been the cause of the hostility; see Spiller, Michael R. G., ‘Drummond, William, of Hawthornden (1585–1649)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, October 2007) at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/8085 (accessed on 7 February 2011)Google Scholar.

24 It is difficult to imagine anyone going to the trouble and expense subsequently, and there is no documentary evidence to suggest a later date. There is some variation in the character and extent of the walls as drawn. The plan we illustrate (National Library of Scotland [henceforth NLS], MS 1646 Z.02/16a: http://www.nls.uk/maps/military/57.html), which appears to be essentially a survey plan, with only one intended alteration, shows the west courtyard wall extending the whole length and the south wall only extending half the length of the courtyard, and as solid rather than punctuated by blank circles like the west wall, which we interpret as either balusters or the spaces between them. The parallel plan, ‘Stirling Castle, representing schemes to fortify the main entrance and the nether bailey’ (NLS, MS 1646 Z.02 / 16b), shows the south courtyard wall as the same length but now punctuated by circles like the west wall, which ran only half the length of the courtyard. This may be explained by another plan ‘Ground floor of the palace at Stirling Castle’ (NLS, MS 1646 Z.02/17) which includes, shaded in pink, a proposed new building occupying the southern half of the west side of the courtyard. Although this was not built, the balustraded west wall could have made been demolished to make way for it.

25 RCAHMS, Stirlingshire, I, p. 212 Google Scholar, fig. 83.

26 Kent Rawlinson remarks that the vast majority of pre-Reformation English chapels were single-cell, which may have been deliberate to distinguish them from parish churches and other greater churches; see The Medieval Great House, ed. Rawlinson, Kent, Airs, Malcolm and Barnwell, Paul, Rewley House Studies in the Historic Environment, I (Donington, 2011), pp. 171–99 (p. 178)Google Scholar. However, in Scotland, the picture is less clear, since pre-Reformation rural parish churches were often single-cell; see RCAHMS, Argyll: An Inventory of the Ancient Monuments, 7 vols (Edinburgh, 1971–92), III, p. 30 Google Scholar.

27 Accounts of the Masters of Works for Building and Repairing the Royal Palaces and Castles: II, 1616–1649, ed. Imrie, John and Dunbar, John G. (Edinburgh, 1982), p. 236 Google Scholar: ‘Item mair fra him ane bat and prik to the pirament at the chaippell dore and tua uther battis under with iiii battis of yrone to the chimnay heid at the princes tower all weyand 10 pund and half pund at iii lib. the staine wechtinde xxxix s. vi d.’

28 Ibid., p. 256: ‘Item the foir entrie of the chaippill with the pillaris and haill ordour thairof with the armes housingis crownellis [= coronets? / pediments?] and siferis [= ciphers] with tua new tafrellis[? boards] to the housing.’

29 RCAHMS, Stirlingshire, I, p. 212 Google Scholar; Imrie and Dunbar, Masters of Works, II, p. 256: ‘Item the window heidis [= heads] the seiferis and crownis [crowns] with the af settis [offsets] to be new giltit [gilded] and layit over with oyle cullour.’

30 RCAHMS, Stirlingshire, I, p. 192 Google Scholar.

31 Ibid.

32 In the longer south chamber, there appeared to be a lintel with recess below to the north of the doorway. Machinery prevented us getting closer to see if this might be the remains of a third, central, doorway.

33 MacGibbon, David and Ross, Thomas, The Castellated and Domestic Architecture of Scotland From the Twelfth to the Eighteenth Century, 5 vols (Edinburgh, 1887), 1, p. 478 Google Scholar.

34 Imrie and Dunbar, Masters of Works, II , p. 256: ‘Item the Chaippill Ryall all to be new paintit in the rufe in the forme it wes before and betuix the rufe and the wall pletis to have ane course of pannallis armes and badgeis round about conforme to the rufe and ane border under all these to be done weill and sufficientlie.’

35 RCAHMS, Stirlingshire, I, p. 213 Google Scholar, but wrongly interpreting the ‘6’ as a ‘C’ for Charles.

36 The authors are very grateful to one of the castle custodians, Ross Blevins, for pointing out these traces to us. They deserve much further investigation.

37 See n. 29 above. The roof profile appears to have been unusual. The Great Hall of Kirby (1575) in Northamptonshire, England, also has a five-sided roof profile. See Gotch, John Alfred, Early Renaissance Architecture in England (London, 1891)Google Scholar, fig. 147.

38 Edinburgh, NLS, MS 35.1.12, f. 153V: ‘sacellum Sterlini reficit, auro distinguit lacunaria [usually means coffered ceiling] exornat parietes opere magnifico, ac summo artificio, pictores [meaning ‘paintings’ rather than painters?], sculptores [‘sculptures’ rather than sculptors], et caeteros elegantiores artifices adhibet’; cited in Rogers, Chapel Royal, p. lxxxi. The NLS, Summary Catalogue of the Advocates’ Manuscripts (Edinburgh, 1971) p. 62 Google Scholar, no. 749, says that the manuscript is an eighteenth-century copy of Johnston’s ‘Rerum Britannicarum Historia’, but the hand appears seventeenth-century and, in the published version, the reference to the chapel is missing from the account of the baptism; Johnston, Robert, Historia Rerum Britannicarum, ut et multarum Gallicarum, Belgicarum et Germanicarum, tàm politicarum, quàm ecclesiasticarum, ab anno 1572 ad annum 1628 (Amsterdam, 1655), p. 192 Google Scholar.

39 The drawing appears to indicate the joists to have been shallow, though it would be a mistake to interpret the drawing as being closely measured in every detail, since, for instance, it omits the chapel’s east door (represented on the plan of the same drawing). One would expect that both joists and rafters were probably in reality deeper than represented.

40 The same constructional principles evidently guided the roofing of better-known structures such as Hendrick de Keyser’s Zuiderkerk in Amsterdam (1614) or his Noorderkerk (1620–22) in the same city, both likewise with deep ceilings and consequently necessary tie-beams. See Kuyper, W., Dutch Classicist Architecture (Delft, 1980)Google Scholar, pis 22, 28, 30.

41 Imrie, and Dunbar, , Masters of Works, II, p. 256 Google Scholar: ‘Item that the jeistis [= joists] be all weill paintit the feild thairof blew with flouris [flowers] going all along thame and antikis [= antiques; all’antica ornament].’ It is probable that the joists’ ornamental scheme was, like the other elements of the chapel, a repainting of the preexisting scheme. See also Bath, Michael, Renaissance Decorative Painting in Scotland (Edinburgh 2003), pp. 270–71 Google Scholar.

42 Fowler, , Works, II, p. 180 Google Scholar

43 Ibid., p. 178.

44 Calendar of State Papers Relating to Scotland and Mary, Queen of Scots, 1547–1603, ed. Bain, Joseph et al., 13 vols (Edinburgh, 1898–1969)Google Scholar (henceforth CSP Scot.), XI, p. 411.

45 Fawcett, Stirling Castle, p. 73.

46 Personal communication with Maureen Meikle. On Anna of Denmark, see Meikle, Maureen M. and Payne, Helen, ‘Anne (1574–1619)’, ODNB (Oxford University Press, September 2004; online edn, January 2008) at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/559 (accessed on 7 July 2010)Google Scholar.

47 Fowler, , Works, 11, p. 180 Google Scholar; Fawcett, Stirling Castle, p. 74; Gifford and Walker, Stirling and Central Scotland, p. 684.

48 Fowler, , Works, II, pp. 178, 180 and 182Google Scholar.

49 Howard, Scottish Architecture, pp. 31–32.

50 Ibid., p. 32; see Serlìo, Sebastiano, Il terzo libro (Venice, 1540), p. cxxvii Google Scholar, and Androuet du Cerceau, Jacques, Quinque et viginti exempla arcuum (Orleans, 1549), pi. 4 Google Scholar. The 1548 entry of Henri II to Lyons already has some arches with paired columns, but none like the Pula arch: see Scève, Maurice, La Magnificence de la superbe et triomphante entrée (Lyons, 1549)Google Scholar; The Entry of Henri II into Lyon, September 1548, ed. Cooper, Richard (Tempe, 1997)Google Scholar.

51 de Schrijvers, Cornelis, Le triumphe d’Anuers faict en la susception du Prince Philips Prince d’Espaign (Antwerp 1550), p. [86] Google Scholar.

52 Howard, Scottish Architecture, p. 32.

53 Colonna, Francesco, Hypnerotomachia Poliphili, in Scritti rinascimentali di architettura, ed. Bruschi, Arnaldo et al. (Milan, 1978), pp. 145–276 Google Scholar (p. 221; see also the notes at p. 229); and Colonna, Francesco, The Strife of love in a dreame, trans. Dallington, Robert (London, 1592)Google Scholar, f. 24r.

54 I Kings, 6 v. 3; 2 Chron. 3 v. 3. These are accepted to be internal measurements; see de Vaux, Roland, Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions (London, 1961), p. 313 Google Scholar.

55 I Kings, 6, 3; 2 Chron. 3, 4.

56 On the cubit, see De Vaux, Ancient Israel, pp. 196–97. Vitruvius, De architectura, III.1.7 discusses the foot and the cubit together; see Vitruvius, , Ten Books on Architecture, ed. and trans. Rowland, Ingrid D. and Howe, Thomas Noble (Cambridge, 1999), p. 48 Google Scholar. On Renaissance knowledge of the relationship of Roman, Greek and Hebrew cubits and feet, see de Prado, Jerónimo and Villalpando, Juan Bauttista, In Ezechielem explanationes et apparatus urbis, ac temple hierosolymitani, 3 vols (Rome, 1595–1605), III, p. 471 Google Scholar, in the section ‘De Romanis Graecis Hebraicisque mensuris’, which begins on p. 433. On the Explanationes, see Ramirez, Juan Antonio et al., Dios arquitecto: J.B. Villalpando y el Templo de Salomó, 2nd edn (Madrid, 1994)Google Scholar.

57 Nicholas of Lyra, , Postilla super totam Bibliam (Venice, 1488)Google Scholar, sig. d. v. p. 50, ‘cubitus usualis tenet pedem & dimidium’, commenting on the dimensions of Noah’s Ark in Genesis 6. On the dissemination of the Postilla, see Gosselin, Edward A., ‘A Listing of the Printed Editions of Nicolaus de Lyra’, Traditio, 26 (1970), pp. 399-426 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Pereda, Felipe, ‘Le origini dell’architettura cubica: Alfonso de Madrigal, Nicola di Lira e la “querelle salomonista” nella Spagna del Quattrocento’, Annali di architettura, 17 (2005), pp. 21–51 Google Scholar.

58 On the use of the foot in Scotland, see Connor, Robin D. and Simpson, Allen D. C., Weights and Measures in Scotland: A European Perspective (Edinburgh, 2004), pp. 42–44 Google Scholar. Lee, Samuel, in Orbis miraculum, or, The temple of Solomon, Pourtrayed by Scripture-Light (London, 1659), pp. 16–17 Google Scholar, used the Roman foot (29.6 cm) for his calculations. Using that, the dimensions of the Stirling Chapel would work out at 45.7 × 30.5 × 107 ft.

59 Given the state of the wall, it is difficult to be absolutely precise in measuring it.

60 New English Translation of the Septuagint (Oxford, 2009), 3 Reigns 6, 4, p. 302.

61 The Geneva Bible: a Facsimile of the 1560 Edition, With an Introduction by Lloyd E. Berry (Madison, Milwaukee and London, 1969), p. 151 Google Scholar.

62 The first edition to combine the two was Anton Koberger’s in Nuremberg in 1481, which was reprinted and imitated many times (Goseelin, ‘Listing’, p. 408, no. 25). The early versions follow the manuscript drawings from of the Postilla in showing the Temple windows as mainly pointed. Later ones, influenced by Renaissance architecture, make the windows rounded. The woodcut illustrated here is from Gaspard Trechsel’s Biblia sacra, 7 vols (Lyons, 1545), which circulated in Scotland in the sixteenth century. The bindings of the Glasgow University copy we illustrate (Sp Coll Bh6-a.3–8) bear the stamp of James Beaton, Archbishop of Glasgow (on whom, see Dilworth, Mark, ‘Beaton, James (1524–1603)’, ODNB, at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/1825 (accessed on 9 July 2010)Google Scholar. The NLS copy (Gray .711–715) belonged to the burgh of Haddington.

63 Girouard, Mark, ‘Solomon’s Temple in Nottinghamshire’, in his Town and Country (New Haven and London, 1994), pp. 187–96 Google Scholar; summarized in Girouard, Mark, Elizabethan Architecture (New Haven and London, 2009), pp. 243–45 Google Scholar.

64 New English Translation of the Septuagint, 3 Reigns 7, 39, p. 304. The Geneva Bible, p. 153, renders 1 Kings 7, 4 as ‘And the windows were in three rowes, & windowe was over against windowe in three rankes.’

65 The Koberger woodcuts are illustrated in Girouard, ‘Solomon’s Temple’, figs 173 and 175. In them the windows are still pointed in the Gothic style, but later editions make them round-arched. It is striking that such biforate windows within a containing arch are found on earlier medieval buildings such as the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence. It is also noteworthy that it is divided into three storeys, suggesting that it might have been emulating Solomon’s Palace, as well as the ‘Palace of Nerva’, as the rear wall of the Forum of Augustus was known (see Tönnesmann, Andreas, ‘“Palatium Nervae”. Ein antikes Vorbild für Florentiner Rustika Fassaden’, Römisches Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, 21 (1984), pp. 61–70 Google Scholar.

66 1 Kings, 6, 8. The English version cited is the Douai-Rheims translation. The Geneva Bible (p. 151) has ‘the dore for the middle chamber was in the right side of the house.’

67 Bede, De Templo Salamonis, 8, in, Patrologia latina, ed. Migne, Jacques Paul, 221 vols (Paris, 1844–55; henceforth PL), XCI Google Scholar, col. 753; cf. also Bede, In libro regum I, c. XII: PL, XCI, col. 722, and Bede, Hom. I, 22 (in Fer. II Quadr.): PL, XCIV, col. 119, cited in Peter Milward, S.J., ‘Devotion to the Sacred Heart II’, at http://www.catholicculture.org/culture/library/view.cfm?recnum=3139 (accessed on 9 July 2010)Google Scholar.

68 Nicholas of Lyra, Postilla, p. 528. See Josephus, , Jewish Antiquities, VIII, p. 70 Google Scholar, and Josephus With an English Translation, ed. Bain, Joseph et al., 8 vols (London and Cambridge, 1926–81), v, p. 609 Google Scholar.

69 However, the title page of the first volume of the Explanationes does show a pedimented frontispiece with paired columns on shared pedestals.

70 Mildenberg, Leo, The Coinage of the Bar Kokhba War, Typos, vol. 6 (Aarau, 1984), pp. 31–45 Google Scholar.

71 Cunnally, John, Images of the Illustrious: The Numismatic Presence in the Renaissance (Princeton, 1999), pp. 113–14 Google Scholar. See also pp. 44–46 on the collecting of ancient Jewish coins generally during the Renaissance.

72 Prado, and Villalpando, , In Ezechielem explanations, II, part ii, p. 245 Google Scholar:

Extat nunc Venetijs nummus quidam argentues perantiquus apud Clarissimum virum Federicum Contarenum procuratorem Sancti Marci, sicli iusto pondere, faciem huius vestibule ex altera parte proferens Hebraicis antiquis literis inscriptus, in quo tetrastili in medio fornix apparet, eandem plane formam praese ferens, quam in Orientali facie vestibule Santuarij nos expressaeramus multis annis [p. 246] antea quàm huius nummi vel minimi incidisset suspicio, nedum eius videndi spes aliqua affalsisset. Venetijs olim aliud huic simile numisma fuit apud Patriarchum Aquiliensem, quo è medio, sublato solum superset exemplar aereum, sed satis expressum, utriusque nummi exemplari forsan expeteret hie Lector: sed quia multa ad rem nummariam spectantia his atque adijs denuo à me inventis nummis confirmari posse arbitramur, omnia simul in proprium locum conferenda esse arbitrary sumus, in appendice capitis vigesimi septimi libri secundi secundae partis Apparatus, quam molimur.

Prado and Villalpando were probably relying on secondhand evidence here, since the Temple obverses of the Bar Kochba coinage are confined to the silver tetradrachms; see Mildenberg, Coinage, p. 31.

73 Rebecchini, Guido, Private Collectors in Mantua 1520–1630 (Sussidi erudite, 56; Rome, 2002), p. 238 Google Scholar. On Contarini and Grimani as collectors, see Franzoni, Lanfranco, ‘Antiquari e collezionisti nel Cinquencento’, in Storia della cultura veneta, 6 vols in 10 (Vicenza, 1976–86), III/3, pp. 207–66 Google Scholar (pp. 212–14 and 222–23);on Francesco Barbaro, see Howard, Deborah, ‘I Barbaro come collezionisti rinascimentali’, in Collezionismo d’arte a Venezia: dalle origini al Cinquecento, ed. Hochmann, Michel, Lauber, Rosella and Mason, Stefania (Venice, 2008), pp. 192–205 (p. 199)Google Scholar.

74 Fowler, , Works, III, p. xxvi Google Scholar.

75 Degenhart, Bernhard and Schmitt, Annegrit, Jacopo Bellini: l’album dei disegni del Louvre (Milan, 1984), p. 15 Google Scholar, pi. 40.i am grateful to Jasenka Gudeli for this observation.

76 Beltramini, Guido (ed.), Guida a palazzo Barbaran da Porto (Vicenza, 2000), p. 56 Google Scholar. One reason why the Arch of the Sergii might be connected in people’s minds with Jerusalem is that Pula was usually the first stop for ships from Venice taking pilgrims to the Holy Land; see Gudelj, Jasenka, ‘Le antichità di Pola nel Quattro-e Cinquecento’ (doctoral thesis, IUAV, Venice, 2008)Google Scholar. There also appears to have been a broader tradition of using coupled columns to indicate associations with the Temple or with Solomon, stretching back into early medieval architecture and continuing into the eighteenth century, which space does not allow us to explore here. On it, see Corboz, André, ‘Il Louvre come Palazzo di Salomone’, in Gian Lorenzo Bernini architetto e Varchitettura europea del Sei-Settecento, ed. Spagnesi, Gianfranco and Fagiolo, Marcello, 3 vols (Rome, 1983–84), ii, pp. 563–98)Google Scholar, and Lyman, Thomas W., ‘The Function of an Ancient Architectural Ornament and its Survival in Medieval Spain and France’, in Actas del XXIII. Congreso internacional de historia del arte: España entre el Mediterraneo y el Atlantico, 3 vols (Granada, 1976–78), i, pp. 393–406 Google Scholar. The much more common association with Solomon of the ‘barley-sugar’-type columns, which formed part of the shrine at Old St Peter’s, is combined with the paired columns in one of the arches of the 1548 entry to Lyons (but with no explicit reference to Solomon; see Scève, Entry, sig. E2; also illustrated in Tuzi, Stefania, Le colonne e il Tempio di Salomone: la storia, la leggenda, la fortuna (Rome, 2002), p. 229 Google Scholar, fig. 48. However, two of Du Cerceau’s Exempla areuum have paired Solomonic columns identified as such; see Günther, Hubertus, ‘Die Salomonische Säulenordnung. Eine unkonventionelle Erfindung und ihre historischen Umstände’, RIHA Journal, 15 (12 January 2011), at http://www.riha-journal.org/articles/2011/2011-jan-mar/guenther-salomonische-saeulenordnung (accessed on 15 February 2011)Google Scholar, figs 6 and 7, one of which had already been published; Tuzi, Le colonne, p. 229, fig. 50.

77 Bannister, Turpin C., ‘The Constantinian Basilica of St Peter at Rome’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 27 (1968) pp. 3–32 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Rosenau, Helen, Vision of the Temple: The Image of the Temple of Jerusalem in Judaism and Christianity (London, 1979)Google Scholar, and Wilkinson, John, From Synagogue to Church: The Traditional Design; its Beginning, its Definition, its End (London, 2002)Google Scholar.

78 Battisti, Eugenio, ‘ll significato simbolico della Cappella Sistina’, Rivista di critica e storia dell’arte (1957), pp. 96–104 Google Scholar; see also Higgitt, John, ‘The Dedication Inscription’, in King’s College Chapel, Aberdeen, 1500–2000, ed. Geddes, Jane (Leeds, 2000), pp. 66–73 Google Scholar.

79 William Elphinstone, Bishop of Aberdeen, and the effective founder of the chapel, gave his copy of a Koberger Bible, published in 1498, to King’s College in 1512: see Geddes, Jane, ‘Appendix: The Proportions and Solomon’s Temple’, King’s College Chapel, ed. Geddes, , pp. 61–63 Google Scholar.

80 Williams, John, Great Britains Salomon (London, 1625)Google Scholar.

81 Gordon, John, Enotikon or a sermon of the union of Great Brittanie, in antiquitie of language, name, religion and kingdome (London, 1604)Google Scholar.

82 Hart, Vaughan, Art and Magic in the Court of the Stuarts (London, 1994), pp. 105–21 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

83 Lynch, Michael, ‘Court Ceremony and Ritual During the Personal Reign of James VI’, in Reign of James VI, ed. Goodare, and Lynch, , pp. 70–92 (p. 75)Google Scholar.

84 In Montgomerie, Alexander, Poems, ed. Parkinson, David J., 2 vols (Edinburgh, 2000)Google Scholar, I, no. 53; I, p. 79; and II, p. 74.

85 Meikle, Maureen M., ‘Anna of Denmark’s Coronation and Entry into Edinburgh, 1590: Cultural, Religious and Diplomatic Perspectives’, in Sixteenth-Century Scotland: Essays in Honour of Michael Lynch, ed. Goodare, Julian and Macdonald, Alasdair A. (Leiden and Boston, 2008), pp. 277–94 (p. 290)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

86 CSP Scot., XI, p. 377, cited in Juhala, Amy L., ‘An Advantageous Alliance: Edinburgh and the Court of James VI’, in Sixteenth-Century Scotland, ed. Goodare, and Macdonald, , pp. 337–63 (p. 350)Google Scholar.

87 Macpherson, Rob, ‘Colville, John (1542?-1605)’, ODNB (Oxford University Press, September 2004; online edn, May 2009) at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/6011 (accessed on 30 June 2010)Google Scholar.

88 Stevenson, Origins, pp. 34–51.

89 Ibid., p. 49.

90 Yates, Frances, The Art of Memory (London, 1966)Google Scholar. Beal, Peter, ‘Dicsone, Alexander (bap. 1558, d. 1603/4)’, ODNB, at http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/73792 (accessed on 1 July 2010)Google Scholar. See also Rowland, Ingrid D., Giordano Bruno: Philosopher/Heretic (Chicago and London, 2009), pp. 157–58 Google Scholar.

91 Stevenson, Origins, p. 93; by coincidence, Dicsone is mentioned in the John Colville letter referring to Solomon’s Temple: CSP Scot., XI, p. 377.

92 Stevenson, Origins, p. 93; Fowler, Works, II, p. 3; III, p. xix, n. 4.

93 Stevenson, Origins, p. 94.

108 Ibid., p. 95. On this, see also Fagiolo, Marcello, Architetettura e massoneria (Florence, 1988), pp. 33–34 Google Scholar, and Fagiolo, Marcello, Architettura e massoneria: Tesoterismo della costruzione (Rome, 2006), pp. 88–89 Google Scholar.

95 Stevenson, Origins, p. 139.

96 Ibid., pp. 139–40 and 148.

97 Stevenson, David, The First Freemasons: Scotland’s Early Lodges and Their Members (Aberdeen, 1988), p. 98 Google Scholar.

98 Stevenson, First Freemasons, p. 99; for more on Anthony and Henry Alexander, see Stevenson, Origins, pp. 61–73.

99 Mackey, Albert G., Encyclopedia of Freemasonry and Kindred Sciences, Comprising the Whole Range of the Arts, Sciences, and Literature of the Masonic Institution, new edn, 2 vols (London, 1929), II, p. 720 Google Scholar, s.v. ‘Northeast corner’.

100 Jones, Bernard E., The Freemasons’ Guide and Companion, new edn (London, 1956), pp. 323 and 328 Google Scholar. In 1114, the foundation stone of the new church of Crowland, or Croyland, Abbey in Lincolnshire was laid at the northeast corner; see Ingulph’s Chronicle of the Abbey of Croyland, ed. Riley, Henry T. (London, 1908), p. 246 Google Scholar.

101 Mackey, Albert G., The Symbolism of Freemasonry (New York, 1869), pp. 166–67 Google Scholar.

102 See Ladner, Gerhart B., ‘The Symbolism of the Biblical Corner Stone in the Mediaeval West’, first published in Mediaeval Studies, 4 (1942), pp. 43–60 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; reprinted in Ladner’s Images and Ideas in the Middle Ages: Selected Studies in History and Art, 2 vols (Rome, 1983), I, pp. 172–96 Google Scholar.

103 Jones, Freemasons’ Guide, pp. 537–38.

104 Stevenson, Origins, pp. 144–45.

105 Curl, James Stevens, The Art and Architecture of Freemasonry (London, 1991), p. 332 Google Scholar.