No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 April 2016
As we continue to probe the boundaries of architectural history and to seek new approaches to the complex legacy of the past, we have to reassess the body of knowledge produced thus far, exposing its often-hidden agendas in order to be aware of our own engagement with today’s ideologies. The architectural history of Central Europe, although usually marginalized, serves as a particularly instructive field in which to study the mutability of ideological positions and their impact on interpretation. Scholarship on the Wilanów Palace near Warsaw (c. 1677–96) (Figs 1 and 2) offers some of the most interesting examples of architectural history’s appropriations, oversights and extraordinary intellectual constructions devised solely in order to claim a relationship with the glorious past, or to sever ties with certain aspects of it, depending upon the contemporary ideological agendas. This material demonstrates how a single building has been used over the years to express diverse concepts of national identity, either by subjecting that building to certain physical modifications, or by making it serve as a point of departure for narratives that emphasize different characteristics of precisely the same physical fabric. The vocabulary of classical architecture employed in Wilanów was particularly well suited to such cultural practices. Classicism – the paradigmatic architectural language, positioned at the nexus of the indigenous and the foreign – has traditionally been associated with discourses of national identity. It was a universal idiom of authority, easily reflecting diverse (or even conflicting) social agendas, its visual vocabulary lending itself to a succession of new meanings, in line with shifting expectations and ideological priorities. In Wilanów the classical and the universal were continually redefined in an attempt to express in visual form the national and the particular.
1 For a recent discussion of the future of the discipline see, for instance, a special issue of the Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 58.3 (September 1999); and McKellar, Elizabeth, ‘Architectural History: The Invisible Subject’, Journal of Architecture, 1.2 (1996), pp. 159–64 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also, Gieysztor-Miłobȩdzka, Elzbieta, ‘Historia sztuki dzisiaj -stan dyscypliny’, in Dokqd zmierza współczesna humanistyka?, ed. Kostyrko, T. (Warsaw, 1994), pp. 149–66 Google Scholar.
2 On the contentious issue of the definition of Central/Eastern Europe and its significance for architectural history, see Ash, Timothy Garton, The Uses of Adversity: Essays in the Fate of Central Europe (New York, 1990), pp. 179–213 Google Scholar; Bömelburg, H. J., ‘Osteuropa – Mitteleuropa – Ostmitteleuropa’, Das Historisch-Politisch Buch, 41 (1993), pp. 234–37 Google Scholar; and Labuda, Adam S., ‘… eine sinnvollen zweckgefühlen gefühlte Kolonialkunst… Zum kunsthistorischen Diskurs über Ostmitteluropa’, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte, 56 (1993), pp. 1–17 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Kowalczyk, Jerzy, ‘L’Europe Centrale, région artistique à l’époque du baroque tardif, in Régions, Régionalismes et conscience régionale face à l’intégration européenne, ed. Wyrozumski, J. (Krakow, 1993), pp. 91–103 Google Scholar.
3 For an overview of Wilanów’s history, see Fijałkowski, Wojciech, Wiianów. Rezydencja Króla Zwyciezcy (Warsaw, 1983), passimGoogle Scholar; and Fijałkowski, Wojciech and Krawczyk, Jacek, Wilanów dawny i wspólczesny (Warsaw, 2002), passimGoogle Scholar.
4 Arciszewska, Barbara, ‘Classicism: constructing the paradigm in Continental Europe and Britain’, in Articulating British Classicism: New Approaches to Eighteenth-century Architecture, ed. Arciszewska, B. and McKellar, E. (Aldershot, 2004), pp. 1–32 (pp. 14–16 Google Scholar).
5 Miłobȩdzki, Adam, Architektura polska XVII wieku (Warsaw, 1980), pp. 358–73 Google Scholar.
6 The housing planned for the villagers as well as the main public buildings (such as the village inn) were designed under the guidance of the court architect, Locci: see Fijałkowski, Wilanów, p. 107.
7 Regarding Sobieski and his political career, see Sadzewicz, Marek, Jan III Sobieski, 1629–1696 (Warsaw, 1972)Google Scholar; Wójcik, Zbigniew, Jan Sobieski, 1629–1696 (Warsaw, 1983)Google Scholar; Wojtasik, Janusz, Jan Sobieski-wódz i polityk (1629-1696): w trzechsetnq rocznice smierci (Warsaw, 1997)Google Scholar; Wagner, Marek, W cieniu szukamy jasnosci chwały: studia z dziejów panowania Jana III Sobieskiego, 1684–1696 (Bialystok, 2002)Google Scholar. See also Targosz, Karolina, Jan III Sobieski mecenasem nauk i uczonych (Wroclaw, 1991)Google Scholar; Klimaszewski, Boleslaw, Jan III Sobieski w literaturze polskiej i zachodnioeuropejskiej XVII i XVIII wieku (Kraków, 1983)Google Scholar; Komasara, Irena, Jan III Sobieski – milosnik ksiqg (Wroclaw, 1982)Google Scholar. On Sobieski’s Herculean image, see, for instance, Potocki’s, Waclaw, Poczet herbów szlachty Korony Polskiej i Wielkiego Ksiȩstwa Litewskiego, gniazdo i perspektywa staroswieckiej cnoty (Kraków, 1696), p. 1 Google Scholar, where the king is referred to as a ‘second Hercules’.
8 Miłobȩdzki, , Architektura polska, pp. 396–97 Google Scholar.
9 For the Sarmatians as descendants of the fearless Amazons and the best Scythian warriors, see The History of Herdotus, trans. G. Rawlinson (Chicago, 1996), pp. 127 and 143–44; and for a current opinion, Ancient Europe 8000 B.c. - A.D. 1000. Encyclopaedia of the Barbarian World, ed. Peter Bogucki and Pam Crabtree (New York, 2004), 11, pp. 572–74. See also Angyal, Andre, ‘Die osteuropaische Bedeutung des Sarmatismus’, in La Renaissance et la Réformation en Pologne et en Hongrie 1450–1650 (Budapest, 1963), pp. 501–09 Google Scholar; Cynarski, Stanislaw, ‘Sarmatyzm – ideologia i styl zycia’, in Polska XVII wieku. Państwo-spoteczeństwo-kultura, ed. Tazbir, Janusz (Warsaw, 1977), pp. 220–43 Google Scholar.
10 Tazbir, Janusz, ‘Le sarmatisme et le baroque européen’, and ‘La conscience nationale’, in La République nobiliaire et le monde: études sur l’histoire de la culture polonaise à l’époque du baroque (Wroclaw, 1986), pp. 7–27 and 28–56 Google Scholar.
11 Hegel, Georg W. F., Introduction to the Philosophy of History, trans. Rauch, L. (Indianapolis, 1988), pp. 10–18 and 57–82 Google Scholar; Hegel, , Reason in History, trans. Hartman, R. S., orig. publ, as Lectures on the Philosophy of History (1837) (Indianapolis, 1953), pp. 68–90 Google Scholar. Cf. Hardimon, Michael, Hegel’s Social Philosophy: The Project of Reconciliation (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 42–52 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Taylor, Charles, Hegel and Modern Society (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 10–46 Google Scholar.
12 For details, see Tazbir, Janusz, Kultura szlachecka w Polsce. Rozkwit – upadek – relikty (Poznan, 2002)Google Scholar.
13 For a discussion of this, see Kaufmann, Thomas Da Costa, Court, Cloister, & City. The Art and Culture of Central Europe 1450–1800 (London, 1995), pp. 288–89 Google Scholar.
14 For a discussion of a conscious construction of Sobieski’s reign as the new Golden Age and its reflection in Wilanów’s decorative programme, see Karpowicz, Mariusz, Sztuka Oswieconego Sarmatyzmu. Antykizacja i klasycyzacja w srodowisku warszawskim czasów Jana III, 2nd edn (Warsaw, 1986), pp. 73ff. and 145–69 Google Scholar. The relatively successful reign of Sobieski was followed by the hardships of the Northern War and the troubled rule by the Wettins (Augustus II and III), hence the immediately subsequent tendency to glorify the times of Jan III; see, for instance, Gierowski, Józef A., ‘Społeczeństwo polskie doby Augusta IF, in Sztuka 1 Pol. XVIII wieku, Materłary Sesji SHS, Rzeszów, listopad, 1978 (Warsaw, 1981), pp. 24–31 Google Scholar.
15 See, for instance, Polleross, Friedrich, ‘Zur Representation der Habsburger in der bildenden Kunsf, in Rupert Feuchtmüller and Eva Kovàcs, Welt des Barock (Vienna, 1986), pp. 90–92 Google Scholar. For a discussion of the contemporary Reichsstil, see Sedlmayr, Hans, ‘Die politische Bedeutung des deutschen Barock’, in Epochen und Werke, gesammelte Schriften zur Kunstgeschichte, 11 (Vienna, 1960), pp. 140–68 Google Scholar; and Hager, Wilhelm, Die Bauten des deutschen Barocks. 1690–1770 (Jena, 1942), pp. 75–80 Google Scholar. Regarding Brandenburg, see Börsch-Supan, Helmut, Die Kunst in Brandenburg-Preufien (Berlin, 1980), pp. 55ft.Google Scholar; and Wiesinger, Liselotte, Das Berliner Schloss. Von der kurfürstlichen Residenz zum Königsschloß (Darmstadt, 1989)Google Scholar.
16 See Karpowicz, Mariusz, ‘Nurt klasycyzujacy plastyki polskiej czasów Sobieskiego’, in Klasycyzm. Studia nad sztukq polskq XVIII i XIX wieku (Wroclaw, 1968), pp. 83–110 Google Scholar; Karpowicz, ‘Il modello antico nell’arte polacca fra il 1700 e 1764’, in V Eredità classica in Italia e Polonia nel Settecento, ed. Joanna Hübner-Wojciechowska (Wroclaw, 1992), pp. 215–21; Kowalczyk, Jerzy, ‘Nurt klasyczny w polskiej sztuce póznobarokowej’, in Klasycyzm i klasycyzmy. Materiaty Sesji Historyków Sztuki, Warszawa listopad, 1991, ed. Jaroszewski, Tadeusz (Warsaw, 1994), pp. 98–102 Google Scholar. Cf. Mossakowski, Stanislaw, ‘Tilman van Gameren in Poland’, in Tilman van Gameren (1632-1706): A Dutch Architect to the Polish Court (Amsterdam, 2002), pp. 42–50 and 63–65 Google Scholar.
17 Stanisław Wiliński, ‘Milanów – Villa Nova Jana III Sobieskiego’, Studia Wilanowskie, 1 (1977), p. 71; Mariusz Karpowicz, Sztuka Warszawy drugiej polowy XVII w. (Warsaw, 1975), pp. 91–92.
18 For a full discussion see Fijałkowski, Wilanów, pp. 17–21. On Agostino Locci, see Fijałkowski, Wojciech, ‘Locci Augustyn Wincenty h. Lew (ok. 1640–1732), architekt-amator, sekretarz i doradca artystyczny Jana III Sobieskiego’, in Polski stownik biograficzny, ed. Rostworowski, Emanuel (Wrocław, 1972), 17, pp. 508–10 Google Scholar; and on the artist’s background, Hanna Osiecka-Samsonowicz, Agostino Locci (1601-po 1660) Scenografi architekt na dworze królewskim w Polsce (Warsaw, 2003).
19 The third stage of construction involved the addition of a second storey above the central section and the rebuilding of the flanking towers (they were given new Baroque domes). The construction of the wings, intended by Sobieski, was only undertaken after his death, in the eighteenth century. For details, see Mifobçdzki, Adam, Architektura ziem Polski. Rozdzial europejskiego dziedzictwa. The Architecture of Poland. A Chapter of European Heritage (Kraków, 1994), pp. 72–74 Google Scholar; and Zachwatowicz, Jan, Architektura polska (Warsaw, 1966), pp. 220–21 Google Scholar.
20 Karpowicz, Mariusz, Barok w Polsce (Warsaw, 1988), pp.54–68 Google Scholar; and idem, Sztuka oswieconego, pp. 98–103.
21 Cynarski, Stanislaw, ‘The shape of Sarmatian ideology in Poland’, Acta Poloniae Histórica, 19 (1968), pp. 5–17 Google Scholar; Ulewicz, Tadeusz, Zagadnienia sarmatyzmu w kulturze i literaturze polskiej (Problematyka ogólna i zarys historyczny), Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Jagiellohskiego L1X. Prace historycznoliterackie, 5 (1963), pp. 29–92 Google Scholar; Tazbir, Janusz, ‘Sarmatyzm a Barok’, Kwartalnik Historyczny, 76 (1969), pp. 815–30 Google Scholar; Maciejewski, J., ‘Sarmatyzm jako formacja kulturowa. Geneza i główne cechy wyodrȩbniające’, Teksty, 4 (1974)Google Scholar; Mańkowski, Tadeusz, Genealogia Sarmatyzmu (Warsaw, 1946)Google Scholar, passim.
22 Varia scripta Illustrissimi dni Stanislai Heraclij Sacr. Rom. Imperij Priricipis Lubomirski, Kraków, MS 1077, PAN Library Archive, pp. 120–29; cf. Mossakowski, Stanislaw, ‘Architektura kosciola bernardynów w Czerniakowie’, Kwartalnik Architektury i Urbanistyki, 11 (1966), pp. 134ff.Google Scholar; Ulewicz, Tadeusz, Sarmacja. Studium z problematyki stewiahskiej XV i XVI w. (Kraków, 1950)Google Scholar; Ulewicz, , ‘Okolo genealogii Sarmatyzmu. Spóznione podjȩcie nieprzedawnionej dyskusji’, Pamiȩtnik Slowiañski, 1 (1949), pp. 101–14 Google Scholar. For further examples, see Karpowicz, , Sztuka Oswieconego, pp. 146–52 Google Scholar; and Zachara-Wawrzynczyk, M., ‘Geneza legendy o rzymskim pochodzeniu Litwinów’, Zeszyty Historyczne Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego, 3 (1963), pp. 5–35 Google Scholar.
23 Szlachta, meaning ‘nobility’ in Polish, was a social group descending from feudal aristocracy, whose power, rooted in landownership, was expanded throughout the early modern period by numerous privileges granted by successive Polish monarchs; see Tazbir, Janusz, Kultura szlachecka w Polsce (Warsaw, 1976), pp. 16ff.Google Scholar; and Bogucka, Maria, The Lost World of the ‘Sarmatians’. Custom as the Regulator of Polish Social Life in Early Modern Times (Warsaw, 1996)Google Scholar. See also Rostworowski, Emanuel, ‘Theatrum polityczne czasów saskich’, in Sztuka 1 Pot. XVIII wieku, Materiaty Sesji SHS, Rzeszów, listopad, 1978 (Warsaw, 1981), pp. 18–19 Google Scholar; and Tazbir, Janusz, ‘Les influences orientales en Pologne aux XVIe-XVIIIe siècles’, in La Pologne au XVe Congrès International des Sciences Historiques à Bucarest (Wroclaw, 1980), pp. 213–39 Google Scholar; and Tazbir, Janusz, ‘Stosunek do obcych w dobie baroku’, in Swojśkoéć i cudzoziemszczyzna w dziejach kultury polskiej (Warsaw, 1973), pp. 80–112 Google Scholar.
24 Karpowicz, Sztuka Oswieconego, pp. 73ft.
25 For a recent discussion, in the context of architectural history’s revisions, see Wrabec, Jan, ‘Na architekturȩ Kresów Wschodnich spojrzenie znad Odry, czyli architektura barokowa dawnych ziem wschodnich Rzeczypospolitej w krajobrazie kulturowym Europy Srodkowej’, in Sztuka ziem wschodnich Rzeczypospolitej XVI-XVIII w., ed. Lileyko, J. (Lublin, 2000), pp. 99–101 Google Scholar.
26 Rubinkowski, Jakub K., Janina, zwycieskich tryumfów dziełami i heroicznym mestwem jana III Króla Polskiego na Marsowym polu[…]po przelamaney Ottomańskiey y Tatarskiey potencyi[…] (Poznań, 1742), A1–A2 Google Scholar.
27 Wejnert, Aleksander, ‘Brama triumfalna dla Jana III Sobieskiego w Warszawie w 1677 r. wystawiona’, Tygodnik Ilustrowany, 7 (1879), pp. 132–36 Google Scholar.
28 Fijałkowski, Wojciech, ‘Brama Królewska w Wilanowie i jej program ideowo-artystyczny’, Studia Wilanowskie, 5 (1979), pp. 17–34 Google Scholar; Fijałkowski, Wojciech, ‘Niezwykla porta triumphalis Jana III Sobieskiego’, Sobótka, 35, 2 (1980), pp. 303–10 Google Scholar; Karpowicz, Mariusz, Sekretne tresci warszawskich zabyłków (Warsaw, 1976), pp. 50–74 Google Scholar.
29 Interestingly enough, in the view of contemporary foreign visitors, the residence had a modest, bourgeois character. See D’Alerac, F. D. P., Les Anecdotes de Pologne (Amsterdam, 1699), and Pamietniki kawalera de Beaujeu 1679–1683, ed. Kraushar, A. (Kraków, 1883), pp. 83–85 Google Scholar.
30 The iconography of the decorative programme of the Wilanów residence consciously constructed the image of Sobieski’s reign as that of the Golden Age. See Karpowicz, , Sztuka Oswieconego, pp. 100–03 Google Scholar; Fijałkowski and Krawczyk, Wilanów, pp. 102–04 for details.
31 Fijałkowski, Wojciech, ‘Dzialalnosc Stanislawa Kostki Potockiego w Wilanowie’, Biuletyn Historii Sztuki, 34 (1972), pp. 133–50 Google Scholar; Bentkowska, A., ‘Stanislaw Kostka Potocki’, in Dictionary of Art, ed. Turner, J. (London, 1996), 25, p. 364 Google Scholar.
32 Pochec-Perkowska, T., Wilanów Palłac (Warsaw, 1994), [w.p.]Google Scholar.
33 Czolowski, Aleksander, Urzqdzenie Palacu Wilanowskiego za Jana III (Lvov, 1937), p. 11 Google Scholar; Pochec-Perkowska, T., The Polish Personalities Portrait Gallery (Warsaw, 1995), passimGoogle Scholar.
34 See Fijałkowski, and Krawczyk, , Wilanów, pp. 103–05 Google Scholar. Similar estate regeneration projects, viewed as the basis for the future economic revival of the Polish nation, were undertaken by many other aristocrats. See Aleksandrowicz, Alina, Izabela Czartoryska. Polskosc i europejskosc (Lublin, 1998), pp. 50 and 353 Google Scholar.
35 For these ideological changes, as reflected in Polish residential architecture, see Lesniakowska, Marta, ‘Polski dwór’: Wzorce architektoniczne, mit, symbol (Warsaw, 1992), pp. 29–30 and 38–39 Google Scholar.
36 Skimborowicz, Henryk and Gerson, Wojciech, Wilanów. Album Widoków i Pamiqtek (Warsaw, 1877), pp. 1 and 135 Google Scholar.
37 Ibid., pp. 1–2
38 See ibid., p. 1; and Czajewski, Wiktor, Wilanów, 1st edn (Warsaw, 1893), p. 12 Google Scholar. The thesis that Jan III designed Wilanów himself was also proposed by Cornelius Gurlitt, Andreas Schlüter (Berlin, 1891), p. 3.
39 See Czajewski, Wilanów, pp. 14–15; Skimborowicz, Wilanów, p. 4; Lauterbach, Alfred, Warszawa (Warsaw, 1925), p. 64 Google Scholar; and Luniftski, Ernest, Wilanów (Warsaw, 1915), p. 6 Google Scholar. Tatarkiewicz, Wladyslaw, Architektura nowozytna w Polsce (Warsaw, 1932), pp. 18–19 Google Scholar, also supported this hypothesis of a ‘design team’.
40 See, for instance, Skimborowicz, Wilanów, p. 4. The story is also repeated by Gerard Cioł, ‘Ogród w Wilanowie’, Biuletyn Historii Sztuki i Kultury, 9 (1947), p. 91.
41 Schrade, Ulrich, ‘Idea narodu w mysli konserwatywnej’, in Konserwatyzm, projekt teoretyczny. Dokumentacja seminarium zorganizowanego przez Goethe Institut w Warszawie i Polskie Towarzystwo Filozoficzne, ed. Markiewicz, B. (Warsaw, 1995), pp. 39–50 Google Scholar.
42 Skimborowicz, Wilanów, p. 2.
43 Ludwik Hass, ‘W ujarzmionej stolicy. Bez Lozy. 1831–1905’, A.R., 3–4 (1994) [w.p]. Festivities (including exhibitions) marking the anniversaries of the relief of Vienna, had a similarly didactic purpose. See Zabytki wieku XVII. Wystawa jubileuszowa Jana III w Krakowie 1883 (Kraków, 1884), pp. 3ft., and Przewodnik po jubileuszowej wystawie epoki króla Jana III na Wawelu (Kraków, 1933).
44 Skimborowicz, Wilanów, pp. 13–14 and 78–80.
45 Karpowicz, Mariusz, Jerzy Eleuter Siemiginowski malarz polskiego baroku (Wroclaw, 1974), pp. 123ft Google Scholar.
46 Goldberg, Jonathan, ‘Fatherly Authority: The Politics of Stuart Family Images’, in Rewriting the Renaissance, ed. Ferguson, M., Quilligan, M. and Vickers, N. J. (Chicago, 1986), pp. 3–20 Google Scholar.
47 Since 1569, the Polish state had been a political union of Poland (or Crown), represented by the heraldic Eagle, and Lithuania, represented by Pogoń, or an armorial device showing a mounted knight. Both national devices appear in the garden façade of Wilanów, together with the personifications of provinces, such as Red Russia, Mazovia, or Prussia, adorning the northern gallery on the garden side, see Karpowicz, Sztuka Oswieconego, pp. 94–96.
48 For details of Sobieski’s dynastic propaganda, see Karpowicz, Jerzy Eleuter, pp. 130–35; and Karpowicz, Sztuka Oswieconego, pp. 94ft.
49 For an extensive discussion of Wilanów interior decoration, see Fijałkowski, Wojciech, Wnetrza Palacu w Wilanowie (Warsaw, 1977)Google Scholar; and Karpowicz, Mariusz, ‘Z rozwazań nad tresciami ideowymi Wilanowa za Jana III’, in Tresci dziela sztuki (Warsaw, 1969), pp. 183–94 Google Scholar. See also Fijałkowski, Wojciech, ‘Regia Solis erat … Ze studiów nad symboliką wnȩtrz palacu w Wilanowie’, Biuletyn Historii Sztuki, 36 (1974), pp. 22–41 Google Scholar.
50 Fijałkowski, Wilanów, pp. 67–71.
51 Ibid., pp. 85–86.
52 This gender-polarization was strengthened in architectural terms by the presence of a ‘male’ and a ‘female’ triumphal arch, each flanking the central portico in the composition of the main façade. See Karpowicz, Szłuka Ośswieconego, pp. 75–89 for details.
53 Komaszyñski, Michał, Maria Kazimiera d’Arquien Sobieska królowa Polski, 1641–1716 (Kraków, 1983)Google Scholar.
54 See, for instance, Czajewski, Wiktor, Wilanów, 2nd edn (Łódz, 1903), pp. 120–23 Google Scholar. Sobieski’s much-discussed relationship with Maria Kazimiera requires reconsideration. More attention should also be paid to the queen’s patronage. She was an important sponsor of architecture (the residences of Marywil and Marymont), in line with several other North European women patrons. See Stanislaw Mossakowski, Tylman z Garrieren. Archiiekt polskiego Baroku (Wroclaw, 1973), pp. 215–22; A. Król, ‘Marymont. Dzieje letniej rezydencji Jana Sobieskiego, Augustów II i III oraz Instytutu Agronomicznego’, in Rocznik Warszawski, 1 (1960), p. 40.
55 See, for instance, Czajewski, Wilanów (1903), p. 119. He also accuses Maria Kazimiera of undermining the political existence of the Polish state and jeopardizing Sobieski’s plans for re-instating hereditary monarchy. See also Fijałkowski, Wilanów, pp. 64ff. and 112–13. For a broader context, see Joan Kelly, ‘Family and Society’, in Women, History and Theory (Chicago, 1984), pp. 123ff.; and Cynthia Lawrence, ‘Introduction’, in Women and Art in Early Modern Europe. Patrons, Collectors and Connoisseurs, ed. C. Lawrence (University Park, 1997), pp. 8–20.
56 Czajewski, Wilanów (1903), p. 1. Czajewski’s guidebook is typical of the new tourism literature, which served as a popularizing instrument for art history, emerging at the same time as a new academic discipline. See Lepkowski, Józef, Sztuka. Zarys jej dziejów, zarazem podrecznik dla uczqcych sie i przewodnik dla podróżnych (Kraków, 1875)Google Scholar, Introduction.
57 Czajewski, Wilanów (1903), pp. 10ff. and 114–20.
58 For a discussion of the eighteenth-century beginnings of this phenomenon, see Barrell, John, The Political Theory of Painting from Reynolds to Hazlitt: ‘The Body of the Public’ (New Haven, 1986), pp. 54–63 Google Scholar.
59 The first survey-type scholarly publication on art history in Polish appeared only two years before Skimborowicz’s book, in 1875, so academic standards had no, or little, influence on its content. See Lesniakowska, Marta, Polska historia sztuki i nacjonalizm, (Warsaw, 1995-98), p. 1 Google Scholar.
60 Skimborowicz, Wilanów, pp. 12, 25ft. and 135ff.; Czajewski, Wilanów (1903), pp. 74–85. See also Czolowski, Urzqdzenie Palacu, pp. 3–4, 18–19 and 25.
61 For the architect Szymon Bogumil Zug (1733-1807), Wilanów was simply ‘similar to the Italian country houses, because it was built for the most part by an Italian’, cf. Juliusz Starzynski, Wilanów. Dzieje budowy pałacu za Jana III (Warsaw, 1933), p. 5; Czajewski, Wilanów (1893), pp. 20–21; and Czajewski, Wilanów (1903) pp. 42ff.
62 Attempts to define the ‘Polishness’ of Polish art constituted the main objective of early art history in Poland; see Lesniakowska, Polski dwór, pp. 50ff.
63 For the beginnings of the nationalistic discourse in architectural history, see Watkin, David, The Rise of Architectural History (London, 1980), pp. 4ff Google Scholar.; and for the Polish context, see Lesniakowska, Polski dwór, pp. 52–53.
64 Jaroslaw Marian Wojciechowski, ‘Palac Wilanowski i jego obecna restauracja’, Architektura i Budownictwo, 4 (1928), pp. 81–106.
65 Wojciechowski, ‘Palac Wilanowski’, pp. 86ff. The restoration campaign was driven by the ambitious national heritage preservation project, also nationalist in its scope. For details and further information regarding German domination in early art history and scholarly German ‘colonization’ of the legacy of the past, see Lesniakowska, Polska historia sztuki, pp. 1–2.
66 Cornelius Gurlitt, Andreas Schlüter (Berlin, 1891); for a broader discussion, Jürgen Paul, Cornelius Gurlitt: ein Leben für Architektur, Kunstgeschichte, Denkmalpflege und Städtebau (Dresden, 2003).
67 Gurlitt, Cornelius, Warschauer Bauten aus der Zeit der Sachsischen Kónige (Berlin, 1917), pp. 66ff Google Scholar. Wojciechowski explicitly accused Gurlitt of manipulating the documentary evidence; see Wojciechowski, ‘Palac Wilanowski’, p. 88.
68 Fijałkowski, Wojciech, ‘Rezydencja Jana III Sobieskiego w swietle materiałów z czasów saskich’, Biuletyn Historii Sztuki, 29 (1967), pp. 359–87 Google Scholar.
69 Wojciechowski, ‘Pałac Wilanowski’, pp. 89–90.
70 Fijałkowski, Wilanów, pp. 111–17. August II was eager to acquire Wilanów and from c. 1709 made attempts to purchase it. He also commissioned his architect, J. K. Naumann (c. 1710) to provide designs for the extension of the palace; see ibid., pp. 116–17. See also Bohdziewicz, P., Korespondencja artystyczna Elzbiety Sieniawskiej z lat ijoo-1729 (Lublin, 1964), pp. 57–68 Google Scholar. For further history of the palace extension, see Majewska-Maszkowska, Bozena, Mecenat artystyczny Izabelli z Czartoryskich Lubomirskiej 1736–1816 (Wroclaw, 1976)Google Scholar.
71 This anti-German sentiment was typical of major art history surveys published in the newly independent Poland at this time; see Lesniakowska, Polska historia sztuki, p. 4. At the same time Juliusz Starzynski wrote the first Polish post-medieval art history survey, Sztuka polska od wygaśniȩcia Jagiellończyków az do dni dzisiejszych; this was appended to a Polish translation of Richard Hamann’s monumental Geschichte der kunst von der altchristlichen Zeit bis zur gegenwart (Berlin, 1932), where the very same sentiments as in Wojciechowski’s work are to be found. Regarding the political aspects of utilizing documentary material related to history of Polish architecture extant in the Saxon archives, see Lorentz, Stanisław, ‘Dyskusja nad książką Waltera Hentschla Saskie budownictwo XVIII w. w Polsce, Biuletyn Historii Sztuki, 32 (1970), 3–4, p. 349 Google Scholar.
72 Czajewski, Wilanów (1903), pp. 23–29.
73 Szydłowski, Tadeusz, Dwór w Rogowie (Kraków, 1918), pp. 6–9 Google Scholar. This was a view in a polemic regarding the definition of an indigenous form of Polish country manor houses. For a contrasting view, see Władysław Łoziñski, Ź;ycie polskie w dawnych wiekach (Lvov, 1908), pp. 58–61; and cf. Lesniakowska, Polski Dwór, pp. 52–53.
74 Starzynski, Wilanów, pp. 9–11; Czolowski, Wilanów, p. 4.
75 For some contemporary Polish art historians, it was acceptable to subject scholarly freedom (if not integrity) to the overriding national cause in support of the new, independent Polish state. See Podlacha, Władysław, ‘O przyszłości historii sztuki’, in Nauka polska, jej potrzeby i rozwój, Rocznik Kasy Mianowskiego, 2 (1919), pp. 394–426 Google Scholar; Batowski, Zygmunt, ‘Wazniejsze potrzeby historii sztuki w Polsce’, Nauka Polska, 1 (1918), pp. 411–22 Google Scholar.
76 In Starzynski, Wilanów, pp. 9–10 and 72–73, the modest character of Wilanów is explained as indicative of the ‘Sarmatian and rural taste’ of the king.
77 Ibid., p. 44. The theorizing debate on the manor-house building in Polish literature was opened by pseudo-Opaliński, Krótka nauka budownicza dworów, palaców, zamków podhig nieba i zwyczaju polskiego (1659); see Krótka nauka budownicza dworów, pałaców, zamków podług nieba i zwyczaju polskiego, ed. A. Miłobȩdzki (Wrocław, 1957), passim; and Lesniakowska, Polski Dwór, pp. 13–15. Its influence on Wilanów’s design can only be suggested in very general terms (e.g. its author’s predilection for single-storey structures); see Krótka nauka, ed. Miłobȩdzki, pp. 67–68.
78 Jakub Kazimierz Haur, Generalna Oekonomika Ziemiańska, Architektonika albo nauka budownicza gospodarska [Supplement] (Kraków, 1679), pp. 7–8. The importance of this architectural manual (based on Krółka nauka budownicza) was due to its illustrations, including measured plans and elevations of the ideal manor houses. Haur’s treatise also introduced a hierarchy of designs based on the social status of the owners, as well as a new, Palladian type of spatial organization, superseding the anachronistic, medieval model, dominant in Krótka nauka budownicza. Haur’s devotion to Sarmatian ideals seem to be confirmed by his appending the architectural manual to an agricultural treatise; see Lesniakowska, Polski Dwór, pp. 16–17.
79 Starzynski, Wilanów, pp. 44–46.
80 Ibid., p. 73.
81 Ibid., p. 73.
82 Czolowski, Wilanów, p. 4. Starzynski also stressed that the Polishness of Wilanów was the result of cooperation between the Polish king, ‘a hero and landed gentleman’, and Locci, ‘the Polish engineer-architect’. See Starzynski, Wilanów, p. 73.
83 Starzynski, Wilanów, pp. 6–9, declared that the king’s letters to Locci demonstrated ‘royal creative will’, certainly an allusion to Riegl’s Kunstwollen. See also Czolowski, Wilanów, pp. 4ft.
84 See Starzynski, Wilanów, p. 44; and cf. Alois Riegl, Spätrömische Kunstindustrie (Vienna, 1927, 1st edn 1901), pp. gff. See also Podro, Michael, The Critical Historians of Art (New Haven, 1982), pp. 95–97 Google Scholar.
85 On architectural history’s engagement with Marxist dogma in Poland, see Lesniakowska, Polski Dwór, pp. 57–58 and 66.
86 The Marxist regime’s attitude to the issue of national culture was somewhat ambivalent since, according to Lenin, national culture was ‘the domain of land owners, priests and bourgeoisie’; see Lenin, Wlodzimierz, ‘Uwagi krytyczne w kwestii narodowej’, in Dziela wszystkie, 20 (Warsaw, 1986), p. 9 Google Scholar. Cf. Pruszyńki, J., Ochrona zabytków w Polsce. Geneza, organizacja, prawo (Warsaw, 1989), p. 125 Google Scholar.
87 Cydzik, Jacek, Wojciech Fijałkowski, Wilanów (Warsaw, 1975), pp. 3ff Google Scholar.
88 Ibid., p. 23. Interestingly enough, there is no mention of this wartime episode in the most recent account of the palace’s history; see Fijałkowski and Krawczyk, Wilanów, pp. 78–79.
89 Ciolek, ‘Ogród w Wilanowie’, pp. 86–128; Lorentz, Stanislaw, ‘Przedmowa’, Ochrona Zabytków, 3 (58), xv (1962), pp. 3–10 Google Scholar; Jacek Cydzik and Wojciech Fijałkowski, ‘Wilanów’, Teka Konserwatorska, Z. 6 (1975); Wojciech Fijałkowski, ‘Główne problemy konserwacji i adaptacji zespolu Pałacowo-ogrodowego’, Ochrona Zabytków, 3, 58, xv (1962), pp. 12–15. The German occupying forces considered burning the palace down (as a symbol of Polish independence) but instead it was plundered, and subsequently served as a sanatorium for German soldiers returning from the Eastern Front. There were also plans to convert the residence into a casino, see Fijałkowski and Krawczyk, Wilanów, pp. 63–79, which fortunately were abandoned. In early 1945 the estate was hit by Soviet artillery fire, but the palace was spared any serious structural damage; see ibid., pp. 63–79.
90 Lorentz, ‘Przedmowa’, pp. 3–4; Ciolek, ‘Ogród w Wilanowie’, pp. 98 and 123.
91 See, for example, Fijałkowski, ‘Glówne problemy’, pp. 15–16; Ciolek, ‘Ogród w Wilanowie’, pp. 105–06.
92 Fijałkowski, Wilanów, pp. 54–56.
93 Ibid., pp. 18–24; and Karpowicz, Sztuka oswieconego, pp. 75ff.
94 For an overview of the problem, see James Ackerman, The Villa. Form and Ideology of Country Houses (Princeton, 1990), pp. 9–34.
95 Starzyński, Wilanów, p. 24, was still ambivalent as to whether Wilanów was a ‘villa rustica’, or a ‘villa suburbana’, but this association was developed in post-war research; for a broader context, see Fijałkowski, Wilanów, pp. 18–19; and Kowalczyk, Jerzy, ‘Wille w Polsce z XVI i pierwszej polowie XVII stulecia’, Kwartalnik Architektury i Urbanistyki, 21 (1976), pp. 292ft Google Scholar.
96 Fijałkowski, Wilanów, pp. 51ff.; and Karpowicz, Sztuka oswieconego, p. 73.
97 Bentmann, Reinhard and Miiller, Michael, The Villa as Hegemonic Architecture (Atlantic Highlands, 1992), pp. 27–36 Google Scholar.
98 See, for instance, Lorentz, ‘Przedmowa’, pp. 4ft.; and Fijałkowski, ‘Glówne problemy’, pp. 15ft.