No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 April 2016
Almost from the moment of its consecration, on 26 April 1876, the church of the Holy Angels at Hoar Cross in Staffordshire was spoken of as an exceptional building. There was more than local pride in a contemporary newspaper report of its unveiling, which declared it to be ‘one of the most beautiful churches in the kingdom … the dignity of the conception, the beauty of the proportion, and the elaborate care lavished on even the minutest detail, carry one back to those days which have left us such memorials as the Percy shrine or the Beauchamp chapel’. That perceptive reference to those medieval sources of inspiration suggests one of the reasons why the church made such an immediate impression. It was the first complete embodiment in a rural setting of a new ideal in the Gothic revival, which in the previous decade had turned its back on the exotic and eclectic style now called High Victorian and had returned to English architecture of the mid-fourteenth century as the point of departure for modern churches. At Hoar Cross, Bodley and Garner, the architectural partnership which had taken the lead in that movement, worked in close collaboration with an exceptional patron, Emily Meynell Ingram, to help realize a compelling new visual identity for the nineteenth-century Anglican parish church.
1 Newspaper cutting pasted into EMI’s diary for 1876, BIY, A7.7.
2 Cram, Ralph Adams, My Life in Architecture (Boston, 1936), p. 251 Google Scholar.
3 Cram, Ralph Adams, Church Building (Boston, 1899, 3rd edition, 1924), pp. 66–67 Google Scholar. Cram links Hoar Cross in this judgement with Paley, Austin and Paley’s St George, Stockport, designed by Hubert Austin in 1892.
4 See, for example, the discussion of Bodley’s architecture, and of Holy Angels, in Crook, J. Mordaunt, The Dilemma of Style: Architectural Ideas from the Picturesque to the Post-Modern (London, 1987), pp. 149-53Google Scholar.
5 Warren, Edward Prioleau, ‘The Work of Messrs G.F.Bodley and T. Garner’, The Architectural Review [America], 6 (1899), pp. 25–34 Google Scholar, at p.27. Much of this description was repeated almost word for word in Warren, E. P., ‘The Life and Work of George Frederick Bodley’, Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects, 3rd Series, vol. 7 (19 February 1910), pp. 305-36, at pp. 314-15Google Scholar.
6 Goodhart-Rendel, H. S., ‘Victorian Churches — II’, Architect and Building News, 135 (1933), pp. 142-44Google Scholar, quoted in Symondson, Anthony, ‘Look with Your Ears: Some 20th-century Attitudes to the Late Gothic Revival’, The Victorian Society Annual (1996), pp. 37–49 Google Scholar, at p. 43.
7 Pevsner, Nikolaus, The Buildings of England: Staffordshire (Harmondsworth, 1974), p. 148 Google Scholar. Pevsner’s comparison of the two churches is foreshadowed in Warren’s articles, op. cit. [note 5], but may owe something to the juxtaposition of Holy Angels and St Augustine by Muthesisus, Herman in plate xviii of his Die neuere kirchliche baukunst in England (Berlin, 1901)Google Scholar; Muthesius devotes considerable space in his text to St Augustine (pp. 37-38) but mentions Holy Angels only in passing.
8 Reed, John Shelton, Glorious Battle: The Cultural Politics of Victorian Anglo-Catholicism (Nashville and London, 1996)Google Scholar. See especially the chapter on women and Anglo-Catholicism, pp. 186-209. Although the term ‘Anglo-Catholicism’ is anachronistic in discussions about Victorian religion, as it did not pass into common usage until the twentieth century, I have followed the modern practice of referring to the Catholic party in the Church of England as ‘Tractarian’ until about 1860 and ‘Anglo-Catholic’ thereafter.
9 See, for example, Baird, Rosemary, Mistress of the House: Great Ladies and Grand Houses 1670-1830 (London, 2003)Google Scholar.
10 On Lady Anne Clifford, see Friedman, Alice T., ‘Constructing an Identity in Prose, Plaster and Paint: Lady Anne Clifford as a Writer and Patron of the Arts’, in Gent, Lucy (ed.), Albion’s Classicism: The Visual Arts in Britain, 1550-1660 (New Haven and London, 1995), pp. 359-76Google Scholar.
11 Reynolds, K. D., Aristocratic Women and Political Society in Victorian Britain (Oxford, 1998), pp. 73–91 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
12 On Sarah Losh and the church at Wreay, see Wood, M. A., ‘A Memorial to Two Sisters: Sarah Losh’s Church of St Mary, Wreay’, Country Life, 4 November 1971, pp. 1230-31Google Scholar, and Hill, Rosemary, ‘Romantic Affinities’, Crafts, 166 (September/October 2000), pp. 34–39 Google Scholar.
13 One example, noted in Reynolds, op. cit. [note 11], pp. 94-95, is the correspondence between the Duchess of Atholl and the architect Robert Dickson concerning the design of the industrial school at Dunkeld, Perthshire.
14 So far as I am aware, the only published history of the church which makes use of the Meynell papers is by Evans, Garetti, Hoar Cross, Staffordshire: Portrait of a Victorian Country House (Stafford, 1994), pp. 119-30Google Scholar.
15 The Earl of Halifax, Fulness of Days (London, 1957), p. 26 Google Scholar.
16 The most reliable of various accounts of Hugo Meynell Ingram’s accident and death appears to be that in Randall, J. L., A History of the Meynell Hounds and Country 1780-1901, 11 (London, 1901), pp. 298–300 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which was published in EMI’s lifetime. According to the death certificate, the cause of death was ‘General internal morbid complications, which had for some time been destroying his health’.
17 The information about Hugo Francis Meynell Ingram’s income is derived from his probate records, Temple Newsam Add. MSS, Ace. no. 4317, 5/1-30, West Yorkshire Record Office.
18 The principal sources for the story of EMI’s marriage and her relationship with her husband’s family are Meynell, Lady Mary, Sunshine and Shadows Over a Long Life (London, 1933), especially at pp. 145-49Google Scholar, and Lockhart, J. G., Viscount Halifax, I. 1839-1885 (London, 1935), pp. 216-18Google Scholar. It may be helpful to summarize the changes of title and surname in the Wood family. Emily’s father, Charles Wood, the first Viscount Halifax, was succeeded in 1885 by her brother Charles, the second viscount, who died in 1934, when he was succeeded by his only surviving son, the third viscount, the distinguished politician, who subsequently became the first Earl of Halifax. When EMI died in 1904, she bequeathed her Yorkshire estates, including Temple Newsam, to her nephew, the future third viscount; the Staffordshire estates were inherited by her brother the Hon. Frederick Wood, who in 1905 changed his name to Meynell. He had married Lady Mary Lindsay, a daughter of the twenty-fifth Earl of Crawford, who therefore became Lady Mary Meynell, the name under which she wrote her guidebook to Holy Angels.
19 EMI diary, 16 January 1872, BIY, A7.7. See also the annotated transcript of EMI’s diaries by Francis Meynell, SRO, D861/P/3/6, vol. 32, p. 107. EMI kept her diary very intermittently; there are, for example, no entries for the period when Holy Angels was under construction.
20 This is my interpretation of the evidence. The local obituaries, for example that in the Burton-on-Trent Times (27 May 1871), state that Hugo Meynell Ingram had one son, who predeceased him. Since there is neither birth nor death certificate, a still birth seems the most likely explanation. The first Earl of Halifax records a family story that EMI miscarried after a riding accident: the Earl of Halifax, op. cit. [note 15], p. 26.
21 Will of Hugo Meynell Ingram, copy in SRO, D861/P/3/19.
22 Charles Wood to Agnes Wood, 14 June 1871, BIY, A2.125.
23 Her position was not, however, as uncommon as has sometimes been assumed. K. D. Reynolds, op. cit. [note 11], p. 43, notes that Bateman, John, in the fourth edition of the Great Landowners of Great Britain and Ireland (London, 1883)Google Scholar, records 412 estates owned by women outright.
24 Probate records for EMI, Temple Newsam Additional MSS, Ace. no. 4162, 8, West Yorkshire Record Office. Although probate was granted at £105,095, the Inland Revenue forms record personalty of £886,342, of which £704,778 was vested in securities producing an income of £167,844 in 1903-04. EMI’s real estate was valued at £1.25 million, giving a total value for her estate of £2.148 million. I am grateful to James Lomax for help with these papers.
25 Lady Mary Meynell, op. cit. [note 18], pp. 147-48.
26 EMI diary, transcribed by Francis Meynell, SRO, D861/P/3/6, vol. 13, pp. 59-9.
27 EMI to Lady Halifax, 27 April 1876, BIY, A2.88.3.
28 Lockhart, op. cit. [note 18], vol. 1, pp. 57-58.
29 Ibid., pp. 78-85 and 139-50.
30 Hunting, Penelope, ‘Henry Clutton’s Country Houses’, Architectural History, 26 (1983), pp. 96–104 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at pp. 100 and 103.
31 On the restoration of St Peter, Yoxall, see Elliott, John and Prichard, John (eds), Henry Woodyer: Gentleman Architect (Reading, 2002), pp. 209-10Google Scholar. There are records of the work in the Meynell papers: SRO, D730/2/16-17.
32 The restoration is referred to in EMI’s obituary in The Church Times, 6 January 1905.
33 EMI to Lord Halifax, 24 April 1870, BIY, A2.88.3.
34 One likely link between them was the Hon. Colin Lindsay, a son of the twenty-fourth Earl of Crawford. Lindsay was a close friend of Charles Beanlands, first vicar of St Michael, Brighton, which Beanlands had commissioned Bodley to design in 1858. Lindsay almost certainly introduced Bodley to another patron, Alexander Forbes, Bishop of Brechin, who commissioned the chapel-cum-school of St Salvador’s, Dundee in 1858 and the permanent church in 1865. By the mid-186os, Charles Wood was friendly both with Lindsay, his predecessor as president of the English Church Union, and with Forbes.
35 The Guardian, 14 March 1888, quoted by Davidson, Hilary in the introduction to a reprint of F. H. Sutton’s Church Organs: Their Position and Construction (Oxford, 1998), p. 7 Google Scholar.
36 On Pugin and the Suttons, and their collaboration at West Tofts, see Davidson, C. H., Sir John Sution: A Study in True Principles (Oxford, 1992), pp. 112-21Google Scholar.
37 J. L. Randall, op. cit. [note 16], p. 248.
38 For a discussion of Bodley’s change of style, see Hall, Michael, ‘The Rise of Refinement: G. F. Bodley’s All Saints, Cambridge, and the return to English Models in Gothic Architecture of the 1860s’, Architectural History, 36 (1993), pp. 103-26CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The churches designed by GFB and Bodley and Garner between 1863 and 1870 are St Wilfrid, Hayward’s Heath, Sussex (1863-65); All Saints, Dedworth, Berkshire (1863); St David’s Cathedral, Hobart, Tasmania (first design 1865, begun 1868); St Salvador, Dundee (1865-74); St Simon, St Helier, Jersey (1865-66); St John, Tue Brook, Liverpool (1867-71); St Saviour, Valley End, Windlesham, Surrey (1867); and All Saints, Scarborough (1867).
39 Charles Wood to EMI, undated letter of early 1872, BIY, A2.267.3.
40 The Builder, 35 (1877), p. 12.
41 GFB to EMI, 11 March 1872, SRO, D861/E/8/6.
42 Undated summary of expenditure on ‘new church at Hoar Cross’, SRO, D861 /E/8/6. J. S. Peed, summary of expenditure, 1872-76, SRO, D861/E/8/2, records that the cost of the building, including sculpture but not glass, furnishings or the architects’ commission and expenses was £29,933.
43 J. S. Peed, accounts and paysheets, 1872-76, SRO, D861/E/8/1.
44 Anon. [Gay, Countess of Plymouth], Robert George Earl of Plymouth 1857-1923 (Cambridge, 1932), pp. 12-13.
45 SRO, D861 /E/8/9 (drawings are not individually numbered).
46 F. H. Sutton to EMI, 16 November 1875, SRO, D861/E/8/7.
47 Frederick Meynell to ?Cecil Hare, fragment of undated letter, SRO, D861/E/8/14.
48 Account from Bodley and Garner, SRO, D861/E/8/6. By comparison, Bodley charged £29 for travelling expenses for All Saints, Cambridge, between 1862 and 1865 (Cambridgeshire Record Office, P20/6/2, receipt 16 October 1865).
49 E. P. Warren, ‘The Life and Work of G. F. Bodley’, op. cit. [note 5], p. 315.
50 Minna Bodley to C R. Ashbee, 25 August 1912. C. R. Ashbee papers, King’s College, Cambridge.
51 All Saints, Cambridge, parish papers, minutes of tower and spire fund, Cambridgeshire Record Office, P20/6/7.
52 EMI to Charles Wood, 3 June 1873, BIY, A2.115.2.
53 SRO, D861/E/9/3 (drawings are not individually numbered).
54 All Saints, Cambridge, parish papers, GFB to Revd W. C. Sharpe, 13 May 1861, Cambridgeshire Record Office, P20/6/4.
55 SRO, D861/E/9/3 (drawings are not individually numbered).
56 Pevsner, op. cit. [note 7], p. 149. A letter from Lord Halifax to Charles Wood (BIY, A2.116.3) expressing surprise that the building stones were not more strongly contrasting in colour suggests that Bodley and Garner intended a polychromatic effect; the stones have, however, weathered to become indistinguishable.
57 For a detailed discussion of this issue, see Hall, Michael, ‘What do Victorian Churches mean?: Symbolism and Sacramentalism in Anglican Church Architecture, 1850-1870’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, 59:1 (2000), pp. 78–95 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
58 The Builder, 80 (1901), pp. 431-32.
59 F. H. Sutton to ?EMI, fragment of undated letter with sketches of tower designs, SRO, D861 /E/8/8.
60 F. H. Sutton to EMI, 18 November 1873, SRO D861/E/8/8.
61 The drawing is among the Comper drawings in the Drawings Collection of the Royal Institute of British Architects.
62 On G. G. Scott, jun., see Stamp, Gavin, An Architect of Promise: George Gilbert Scott Junior (1839-1897) and the Late Gothic Revival (Donington, 2002)Google Scholar.
63 Scott, G. G., jun., ‘Modern Village Churches — A Paper Read before the Lincoln Diocesan Architectural Society, June 28, 1873’, Reports and Papers read at the Meetings of the Architectural Societies, 12 (1873), pp. 65–68 Google Scholar.
64 Gavin Stamp, op. cit. [note 62], pp. 64-67, and Stamp, Gavin, ‘Ramsgate Cemetery Chapel’, Architectural History, 41 (1998), pp. 273-77CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
65 Gavin Stamp, op. cit. [note 62], pp. 67-70.1 am grateful to Gavin Stamp for discussing this point with me.
66 G. G. Scott, jun., op. cit. [note 63], p. 68.
67 Ibid.
68 This is the assumption made by Micklethwaite, J. T. in his discussion of church plans in Modern Parish Churches (London 1874), pp. 13–14 Google Scholar, a book which shares Bodley and Scott’s approach to church design and furnishing.
69 EMI to Charles Wood, undated letter, BIY, A2.115.2.
70 Charles Wood to EMI, undated letter, BIY, A2.267.3. The sequence of these letters [notes 69 and 70] is not entirely clear, and it may be that both refer to a chapel behind the chancel, but the reference in EMI’s letter to the ‘enormously long’ chancel suggests to me that as an alternative to a ‘Lady Chapel’ she tried to persuade GFB to bring the altar forward and place the tomb behind it, in the customary position of a medieval shrine.
71 Sutton, F. H., Church Organs, their Position and Construction (reprint, Oxford, 1998), p. 5 Google Scholar.
72 F. H. Sutton to EMI, 9 February 1875, SRO D861/E/8/8. For a detailed account of Sutton’s contribution to the design of the organ case, see Hall, Michael, ‘Gothic and Renaissance: Organ Cases by Frederick Sutton and G. F. Bodley at Hoar Cross and Temple Newsam’, Journal of the British Institute of Organ Studies, 20 (1996), pp. 21–43 Google Scholar.
73 The accounts presented by Farmer & Brindley, Franklin, Rattee & Kett, Frederick Leach, Barkentin and Krall, James Redfern, William Aumonier, W. Hibbins and Watts & Co., with details of the cost of the stained glass, are in SRO, D861/E/8/6. A letter from Aumônier, published in The Builder, 34 (1876), p. 600, gives details of the responsibilities of the various carvers and sculptors.
74 Lord Halifax to Charles Wood, 2 February 1876, BIY, A2.116.3.
75 F. H. Sutton to EMI, 18 November 1873, SRO, D861/E/8/8.
76 EMI to Charles Wood, 28 October 1875, BIY, A2.115.2.
77 EMI to Charles Wood, 20 June 1875, BIY, A2.115.2. That EMI conceived of the church as a Meynell monument is suggested also by her unsuccessful attempt to persuade her sister-in-law Georgiana Meynell to have the tomb of Admiral Meynell moved from St Peter, Yoxall, to Holy Angels: see Georgiana Meynell to EMI, 30 May 1873 (BIY, A2.267.6). I am grateful to James Lomax for drawing this letter to my attention.
78 Meynell, Lady Mary, The Church of the Holy Angels (Rugeley, 1922, reprinted 1951), pp. 40–81 Google Scholar.
79 Alan Crawford, unpublished notes for a Victorian Society Birmingham Group tour of buildings in Staffordshire, 5 July 1975 (typescript, Victorian Society, London), p. 14.
80 EMI to Charles Wood, 23 May 1875, BIY, A2.115.2.
81 John Shelton Reed, op. cit. [note 8], p. 188.
82 Quoted in John Shelton Reed, op. cit. [note 8], p. 189.
83 The subject is dealt with in detail in Mumm, Susan, Stolen Daughters, Virgin Mothers: Anglican Sisterhoods in Victorian Britain (Leicester, 1999)Google Scholar.
84 Quoted in John Shelton Reed, op. cit. [note 8], p. 200.
85 Quoted in John Shelton Reed, op. cit. [note 8], p. 194.
86 Scott, G. G., A Plea for the Faithful Restoration of Our Ancient Churches (London, 1850), p. 100 Google Scholar. This issue is discussed at greater length in Michael Hall, op. cit. [note 38], pp. 115-18.
87 Littledale, R. F., ‘The Missionary Aspect of Ritualism’, in Shipley, Orby (ed.), Church and the World: Essays on Questions of the Day in 1867 by Various Writers (London, 1867), pp. 523-67Google Scholar, at p. 524.
88 This was a matter of some importance to EMI, who wrote to her brother Charles that ‘I have made the [chancel] screen impassable so we can leave the church open’, EMI to Charles Wood, 29 September 1890, BIY, A2.115.2.
89 J. T. Micklethwaite, op. cit. [note 68], p. 298.
90 On St Martin, Scarborough, see Mant, Newton, A Memorial of the First Quarter Century of St Martin’’s-on-the-Hill, Scarborough, with a Biographical sketch of the Late Vicar (London and Scarborough, n.d. [1888])Google Scholar, although naturally it does not record the disputes between the building committee and the Craven sisters.
91 Scarborough Gazette, 23 August 1860.
92 Scarborough Gazette, 19 and 26 July 1860.
93 Winpenny, David, St Martin-on-the-Hill: A Guide, 2nd edn (Scarborough, 1977)Google Scholar; and Crouch, David, Langley, Hal and Wilkinson, John, St Martin-on-the-Hill: A Brief History and Guide (Scarborough, 1992)Google Scholar.
94 Eliza Reade is described as ‘the donor’ of the church in the account of the laying of the foundation stone in The Builder, 25 (1867), p. 317. There is information on Mrs Reade and her mother in Auton, M. L., ‘The Development of West Derby Village 1825-81’, unpublished M.Phil, thesis, University of Liverpool, 1984 Google Scholar. Mrs Reade’s aesthetic indifference to what Bodley and Garner and her husband had achieved at Tue Brook can perhaps be deduced from her choice in 1876 of the local architects W. & J. Hay to design a new chancel and side chapel for St James, West Derby, in memory of her mother, who had paid for the church to be built and endowed in 1847.
95 Liverpool Mercury, 25 June 1870.
96 Liverpool Mercury, 29 June 1870.
97 Lady Mary Meynell, op. cit. [note 18], p. 175.
98 Franklin’s contract, dated 5 February 1891, and its invoice for £4,768 18s. for the additional bay, together with the churchyard cross, lychgate and stone pulpit are in SRO, D861/E/8/7. EMI requested drawings for the cross and lychgate in a letter to GFB of 21 October 1888, SRO, D861/E/8/7. The Hadley End chapel has been demolished.
99 This arrangement was described as ‘very conventual’ in a letter from EMI to Charles Wood, 25 September 1889 (BIY, A2.115.2). The sisters were from the convent at East Grinstead, of which EMI was made a lay associate in 1891, as she records in her diary for 27 January of that year (EMI diary, transcribed by Francis Meynell, SRO, D861/P/3/6, vol. 32, p. 102).
100 F. H. Sutton to Frederick Wood, 4 August 1875, SRO, D861/E/8/8.
101 Lady Mary Meynell, op. cit. [note 18], pp. 142-43.
102 Church of the Holy Angels, Hoar Cross (Rugeley, n.d. [1893]).
103 Royal Commission on Ecclesiastical Discipline, Minutes of Evidence, 1 (London, 1906), p. 27 Google Scholar.
104 A good deal more information about Bridgeman’s contribution to the church will become available when the firm’s archives, now owned by Linford Bridgeman, are made accessible to scholars, as is currently being planned.
105 EMI to GFB, 6 January 1895, SRO, D861/E/8/7.
106 GFB to Frederick Wood, 2 August 1905, SRO, D861/E/8/7.
107 Typescript notes, ‘Hoar Cross Church. September 20, 1913’, SRO, D861/E/10/4. These notes form part of a bundle of papers concerning the history of the church described as ‘Papers collected by Rev. Climpson’.
108 Transcribed by Francis Meynell in his notes on EMI’s diaries, SRO, D861/P/3/6, vol. 32, p. 141.
109 Lady Mary Meynell, op. cit. [note 18], p. 149.
110 Francis Meynell, notes on EMI’s diaries, SRO, D861/P/3/6, vol. 34, pp. 38-45.
111 For example, EMI refers to the Miles Platting and Enraght ritual cases in a letter to Charles Wood, 7 May 1879, BIY, A2.115.2.
112 EMI to Charles Wood, 23 November 1879, BIY, A2.115.2.
113 For details of the services, see Church of the Holy Angels, op. cit. [note 102].
114 Frederick Meynell to GFB, 26 October 1905, SRO, D861/E/8/16.
115 EMI was, however, concerned to hear from H. P. Liddon that Gore’s opinions were to him unacceptably heterodox; none the less, when Liddon offered to return to her the donation she had made to Pusey House, of which Gore was principal, she refused. On this matter, and Charles Wood’s opinion of Gore, see Lockhart, op. cit. [note 18], vol. 2, pp. 28-32.
116 Ollard, S. L. (ed), A Forty Years’ Friendship: Letters from the late Henry Scott Holland to Mrs Drew (London, 1919), p. 17 Google Scholar. The invitation to Hoar Cross was probably made by the incumbent, William Dunkerley, an old friend of Scott Holland.
117 Adderley, J. G., Monsieur Vincent, quoted in Rowell, Geoffrey, The Vision Glorious: Themes and Personalities of the Catholic Revival in Anglicanism (Oxford, 1991), p. 239 Google Scholar.
118 Lady Mary Meynell, op. cit. [note 78], p. 26. The draft typescript account of the church is included with a letter from GFB to Frederick Meynell, 15 February 1906, SRO, D861/E/8/7; the reference to St Vincent de Paul is on fol. 6.
119 The Manchester Dispatch, 24 December 1904.
120 EMI to Charles Wood, 30 October 1874, BIY, A2.115.2.
121 EMI to GFB, 15 November 1902, SRO, D861/E/8/10.
122 Transcribed by Francis Meynell in his notes on EMI’s diaries, SRO, D861 /P/3/6, vol. 34, p. 20.
123 Letters of 1876 from J. S. Peed concerning the lodges, SRO, D861/E/8/5; they cost £500. There is correspondence of 1894 between GFB and Frederick Wood concerning the hall screen at Hoar Cross, in SRO, D861/E/8/7; it was executed by Norman & Burt of Burgess Hill and is illustrated in Gareth Evans, op. cit. [note 14], p. 42. This correspondence records that the chapel at Hoar Cross was fitted out by Farmer & Brindley; the chapel is illustrated in Gareth Evans, op. cit. [note 14], p. 44.
124 On the garden at Hoar Cross, see Country Life, 19 May 1902; Gareth Evans, op. cit. [note 14], pp. 111-18, and Bradley-Hole, Kathryn, Lost Gardens of England (London, 2004), pp. 158-60Google Scholar.
125 EMI refers briefly to this commission in her diary for May 1888: see Francis Meynell’s notes and transcriptions, SRO, D861/P/3/6, vol. 32, p. 123.
126 EMI to Charles Wood, 16 ?October 1877, BIY, A2.115.2. See also Gilbert, Christopher, ‘The Victorian Chapel at Temple Newsam’, Leeds Art Calendar, 62 (1968), pp. 5–9 Google Scholar, and Gilbert, Christopher, ‘A Last Look at the Victorian Chapel at Temple Newsam’, Leeds Arts Calendar, 76 (1975), pp. 18–20 Google Scholar.
127 EMI to Charles Wood, 25 July 1880, BIY, A2.115.2.
128 Gerald Sharp to EMI, 6 September 1900, SRO, D861/E/11/8.
129 GFB to Frederick Wood, 7 April 1900, and Gerald Sharp to EMI, 10 August 1900, SRO, D861/E/11/8.
130 The church was declared redundant in 1976 and demolished in 1984. It is well recorded in photographs in the National Monuments Record. The reredos has been transferred to Christ Church, Moss Side, Manchester.
131 EMI to GFB, 4 May 1898, D861/E/8/14.
132 EMI to GFB, undated letter of 1898, D861 /E/8/4.
133 EMI to GFB, 15 April 1904, SRO, D861/E/8/10.
134 In the typescript draft of the guidebook, EMI’s sources of inspiration for the painting of the stations are given as Lübeck, the cathedral at Roskilda, a triptych at Reinholz, and the cathedral at Danzig, SRO, D861/E/8/7.
135 EMI to GFB, 4 May 1898, SRO, D861/E/8/14.
136 Frederick Wood to Robert Bridgeman, 29 November 1900, SRO, D861/E/8/11.
137 EMI to GFB, 4 January 1901, SRO, D861/E/8/12.
138 EMI to GFB, 27 July 1901, SRO, D861/E/8/10.
139 EMI to Charles Wood, 22 June 1892, BIY, A2.115.2. See Connell, David, ‘A Victorian Art Lover, the Hon. Mrs Meynell Ingram’, Leeds Art Calendar, 106 (1990), pp. 17–27 Google Scholar.
140 EMI to GFB, 15 June, no year given, SRO, D861/E/8/14. It is possible this letter refers to stained glass for All Saints, Laughton, Lincolnshire, restored for EMI by GFB in 1894-96. Burlison & Grylls’s receipt for stained glass there (£153 10s.) is dated 17 September 1897: SRO, D861/E/11/5.
141 EMI to GFB, 30 August, no year given, SRO, D861/E/8/7.
142 EMI to GFB, 26 April 1897, SRO, D861/E/8/7.
143 EMI to GFB, 4 May 1898, SRO, D861/E/8/14.
144 EMI to GFB, 6 October 1897, SRO, D861/E/8/7.
145 EMI to Charles Wood, 29 September 1890, BIY, A2.115.2.
146 GFB to Frederick Wood, 5 January 1905, SRO, D861/E/8/16. Woolner’s effigy was moved to All Saints, Laughton in 1905. Given a new base by Bodley, it functions as a commemorative monument.
147 Frederick Meynell to GFB, 12 October 1906, SRO, D861/E/8/17. (Lord Curzon in fact gave the commission to Bertram Mackennal.)
148 GFB to Frederick Meynell, 7 June 1905, SRO, D861/E/8/16.
149 GFB to Frederick Meynell, 19 February 1906, SRO, D861/E/8/7.
150 Frederick Meynell to G. H. Fowler, 29 January 1909, SRO, D861/E/8/7.
151 GFB to Frederick Wood, undated letter [1905], SRO, D861/E/8/16.