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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 April 2016
Charles Quennell embodied many of the possibilities and contradictions of British architecture in the first decades of the twentieth century. He is a little-known figure today, but one who deserves further consideration, not only for his own remarkably interesting and varied career but also because of the light he sheds on some of the less explored aspects of architecture in the 1895–1935 period. Throughout his life he combined a strong interest in history with a search for efficiency and design appropriate for the modern world. Both of these preoccupations were widespread among his generation although, apart from a few notable exceptions, rarely can they be found combined to as great a degree as in Quennell. For example, in 1914 he was a keen exponent of standardization and at work on large romantic houses in Hampstead Garden Suburb. By 1918 he had designed what have been called the first modern houses in the country and had just published the first of the bestselling books in the series co-authored with his wife, A History of Everyday Things in England. In 1930 he was writing a contemporary tract The Good New Days and he built a neo-Palladian villa. He has been little studied to date, the main accounts being Alastair Service’s of his work in Hampstead, a Masters thesis by Nick Collins focused on issues of building conservation, and Graham Thurgood’s article on his 1920s work in Essex.
1 Gould, Jeremy, ‘Modern Houses in Britain, 1919–1939’, Architectural History Monograph, 1 (1977), p. 8.Google Scholar
2 Alastair Service, Victorian and Edwardian Hampstead (London, 1989), pp. 53–67 Google Scholar; Collins, Nick, ‘C. H. B. Quennell — A Legacy Protected?’ (unpublished Historic Conservation MSc thesis, Oxford Brookes University, 2003)Google Scholar, which includes the most comprehensive list to date of Quennell’s surviving buildings; Thurgood, Graham, ‘Silver End Garden Village 1926–32’, Thirties Society Journal, 3 (1982), pp. 36–41.Google Scholar
3 ‘Obituary’, The Times, 7 December 1935.
4 The Times, 30 April 1938; ‘Obituary’, The Times, 4 August 1972.
5 Denigan, James B., ‘Sir Peter Courtney Quennell 1905–93’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004-05).Google Scholar
6 Quennell, Peter, The Marble Foot, An Autobiography 1905–38 (London, 1976).Google Scholar
7 The main sources for information on Quennell’s life and career in addition to those given above are RIBA Biography File and the following obituaries: Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects, 21 December 1935. pp. 211–12; The Architects’ Journal, 12 December 1935, p. 872; The Builder, 13 December 1935, p. 1055.
8 Quennell, P., The Marble Toot, pp. 17–18 Google Scholar; the name of the school is not given.
9 RIBA nomination papers for Quennell.
10 Service, Hampstead, p. 53; Sedding died in 1891. For information on Sedding’s office, see Richardson, Margaret, Architects of the Arts and Crafts Movement (London, 1983), pp. 71–75.Google Scholar
11 Quennell, P., The Marble Foot, pp. 11–12.Google Scholar
12 ‘Obituary’, by W. D. Quennell, The Times, 14 December 1935.
13 Quennnell, C. H. B., ‘English Domestic Architecture’, Studio Yearbook of Decorative Art (1910), p. 14 Google Scholar. This suggests that he followed the Art Workers’ Guild line in the debate over architectural education in the 1890s. See Norman Shaw, R. and Jackson, T. G., Architecture: A Profession or an Art? (London, 1892)Google Scholar, and MacLeod, R., Style and Society: Architectural Ideology in Britain, 1835–1914 (London, 1971).Google Scholar
14 Muthesius, Hermann, The English House (original German edn, Berlin, 1904–05; English edn, London, 1979), pp. 185–86 Google Scholar for examples.
15 Ibid., p. 196.
16 Ibid., p. 134.
17 Carrington, Noel, Industrial Design in Britain (London, 1976), p. 38.Google Scholar
18 Architectural Review, 51 (1922), pp. 154–55.
19 See Elder Duncan, J. H., Country Cottages and Weekend Homes (London, 1906)Google Scholar. The houses are at Sutton Veny, Wiltshire; Farnborough, Hampshire; Camberley, Surrey; Heyshott, Sussex; Purley, Surrey; Wickham Bishops, Essex; and Northwood, Middlesex. Quennell built a substantial number of large houses in Northwood, an outer London suburb.
20 Modern Building Record, 6 (1915), pp. 32–33.
21 Quennell, P., The Marble Foot, p. 44.Google Scholar
22 Modern Building Record, 4 (1913), pp. 76–79. The scheme was not completed until 1927: see The Builder, 25 March 1927, pp. 480, 484–87, which also illustrates an elementary school by Quennell at Mason’s Hill, Bromley, Kent (p. 487).
23 RIBA Council, 1912–15; Board of Architectural Education, 1928–30; Town Planning Committee, 1914–25.
24 Cherry, Bridget and Pevsner, Nikolaus, The Buildings of England. London 4: North (London, 1998), p. 231.Google Scholar
25 Gray, A. S., A Biographical Dictionary of Edwardian Architecture (London, 1985), p. 299.Google Scholar
26 P. Quennell, The Marble Foot, p. 20.
27 See, for example, Blomfield, Reginald, History of Renaissance Architecture in England 1500–1800 (London, 1897)Google Scholar; Gotch, J. A., Early Renaissance Architecture in England (London, 1901)Google Scholar; Macartney, Mervyn and Belcher, John, Later Renaissance Architecture in England: A Series of Examples of Domestic Buildings Erected Subsequent to the Elizabethan Period (London, 1898-1901)Google Scholar; Richardson, Albert, Monumental Classic Architecture (London, 1910)Google Scholar. For a discussion, see Watkin, David, The Rise of Architectural History (London, 1980)Google Scholar, ch. 4, and on neo-Georgian domestic designs, Service, Alastair, Edwardian Architecture (London, 1977), ch. 12.Google Scholar
28 For a more in-depth exploration of contemporary attitudes to the Georgian, see McKellar, Elizabeth, ‘Representing the Georgian: Constructing Interiors in Early Twentieth-Century Publications, 1890–1930’, Journal of Design History (Autumn 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
29 ‘Architecture and Crafts at the Royal Academy’, The Architectural Review, 6 (July 1899), Special supplement, 3rd series, 30:2.
30 The idea that late seventeenth-century Classicism could be assimilated as a native English style was first developed by J. J. Stevenson and Basil Champneys in the 1870s. See Girouard, Mark, Sweetness and Light: The ‘Queen Anne’ Movement, 1860–1900 (Oxford, 1977), pp. 61–62.Google Scholar
31 Marjorie, and Quennell, C. H. B., A History of Everyday Things in England 1500–1799, 1960 edn (London, 1919), 2, p. 206 Google Scholar. This provides an example of what his son called his ‘jackdaw-mind’, (P. Quennell, The Marble Foot, p. 86). The passage echoes a review by Halsey Ricardo of Belcher and Macartney’s Later Renaissance Architecture, in which Ricardo wrote that, ‘The doctor’s and the lawyer’s house in nearly every country town is as good as — and often a great deal better than — the Highworth example shown’. The Architectural Review, 4 (1898), pp. 270–71.
32 The British Architect, 50 (1898), pp. 112 and 166.
33 Ibid., p. 76.
34 Quennell, C. H. B., Studio Yearbook of Decorative Art, p. 2.Google Scholar
35 Hunter, Jefferson, Edwardian Fiction (Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1982), pp. 161–62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
36 Harris, Jose, Private Lives, Public Spirit: Britain 1870–1914 (London, 1994), p. 5.Google Scholar
37 Quennell, C. H. B., Modern Suburban Houses: A Series of Examples Erected at Hampstead & Elsewhere from Designs by C. H. B. Quennell (London, 1906)Google Scholar, Introductory Notes, p. vii. On Quennell’s sensitivity to landscape, see Duncan, , Country Cottages, which includes a house in Northwood ‘built round a corner with the object of saving a fine old tree’ (p. 131)Google Scholar.
38 Quennell, C. H. B., Modern Suburban Houses, p. viii.Google Scholar
39 Ibid., p. vii.
40 It was on this estate at Courtenay Avenue that a proposal for an egg-shaped house by Ron Arad to replace a Quennell house was turned down by Haringey Council in 1997, although controversially backed by English Heritage. Arad commented: ‘The street is revolting — a parody of a wealthy American suburb. Architecturally it is a joke; what are they trying to protect?’ (Building Design, 17 December 1997, p. 4).
41 Muthesius, The English House, pp. 71–74.
42 He returned to the theme again, see ‘Preparing for Peace. V — The Building Trade and Land Tenure’, The Architects’ and Builders’ Journal, 13 March 1918, pp. 112–13.
43 For reports of the conference, see Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects, 17 (1909–10), pp. 773–97; Town Planning Review, 1:3 (1910), pp. 178–97. For transcriptions of the papers and details of the accompanying exhibition, see Town Planning Conference, London 10–15 October 1910, Transactions, RIBA (London, 1910).
44 Obituary, Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects, 21 December 1935, p. 212.
45 Town Planning Review, 1:3 (1910), pp. 180–81.
46 Peter Quennell thought that his father had resigned from the Council in 1915 on a point of principal and laments his removal at a singularly ill-fated time (P. Quennell, The Marble Foot, p. 50). He writes that he consulted the Council’s minutes, but there is an entry that points to a more prosaic truth. This was simply that his father, and a number of other members, were no longer eligible to serve, having completed a full term (RIBA Council Minutes, 29 March 1915).
47 Lethaby, W. R., ‘Modern German Architecture and What We May Learn from It’, in Form and Civilization: Collected Papers on Art and Labour (London, 1922), pp. 96–105.Google Scholar
48 See Hermann Muthesius 1861–11)27 (London, 1977).
49 On contacts between England and Germany, see Davey, Peter, Arts and Crafts Architecture (London, 1995), ch. 8.Google Scholar
50 C. H. B. Quennell, Studio Yearbook, p. 1.
51 Ibid., p. 11.
52 Pugin, A. W. N., True Principles of Pointed or Christian Architecture (1841), pp. 585–89.Google Scholar
53 See Pugin, True Principles (Reading, 2003 edn), Introduction by Timothy Brittain-Catlin, p. v.
54 See Wagner, Otto, Moderne Architektur (1894), trans. Margrave, Harry Francis (Santa Monica, California, 1988)Google Scholar; Muthesius, Hermann, Stilarchitecktur und Baukunst (Berlin, 1903)Google Scholar; Opel, Adolf (ed.), Adolf Loos ‒ Ornament and Crime: Selected Essays (Riverside, California, 1998)Google Scholar.
55 Marjorie, and Quennell, C. H. B., The Good New Days (London, 1935)Google Scholar provides a passing mention of his visit to Germany (p. 62).
56 C. R. Ashbee also became interested in mass-production in the pre-War period. See Plummer, Raymond, Nothing Need be Ugly – the First 70 Years of the DIA (London, 1985), pp. 1–2 Google Scholar, and Carrington, Industrial Design, who relates that he went on to become a founder of MARS in 1933 (p. 27).
57 For Lethaby’s theories on the modern, see Naylor, Gillian, ‘Lethaby and the Myth of Modernism’, in W. R. Lethaby 1857–1931: Architecture, Design and Education, ed. Backemeyer, Sylvia and Gronberg, Theresa (London, 1984), pp. 42–48 Google Scholar. For Lethaby’s writings more generally, see Peter Fuller’s essay in W. R. Lethaby 1857–1931, pp. 32–41, and Rubens, Godfrey, William Richard Lethaby: His Life and Work 1857–1931 (London, 1986), ch. 9.Google Scholar
58 Lethaby, ‘The Architecture of Adventure’, in Form and Civilization, p. 95.
59 Both of these essays were reproduced in Form and Civilization. The quote on ‘Efficiency Style’ is from ‘Design and Industry’, p. 51.
60 Davey, Peter, Arts and Crafts Architecture: The Search for Earthly Paradise (London, 1980), p. 108.Google Scholar
61 On the Foreign Architectural Book, see Horton, Ian, ‘The Foreign Architectural Book Society and architectural elitism’ (unpublished PhD, Open University, 1998)Google Scholar. I am grateful to Tim Benton for this reference.
62 On the DIA, see Carrington, Industrial Design; Plummer, Nothing Need be Ugly; and Holder, Julian, ‘“Design in Everyday Things”: Promoting Modernism in Britain, 1912–1944’, in Modernism in Design, ed. Greenhalgh, Paul (London, 1980), pp. 123–44.Google Scholar
63 Carrington, Industrial Design, p. 30.
64 Ibid., pp. 70–71. Carrington joined the DIA in 1925.
65 It did not contain any works by Adolf Loos, who was the sworn enemy of these groups, although he is mentioned in the introductory essay by Levetus. See Levetus, A. S., ‘Austrian Architecture and Decoration’, Studio Yearbook (1910), p. 219.Google Scholar
66 Ibid., p. 219.
67 Quennell, C. H. B., Studio Yearbook, p. 15.Google Scholar
68 Ibid., p. 13.
69 James Bettley has established that the house was later occupied by Valentine Crittall, who sold it in 1928 to move to Silver End.
70 Crittall, F. H., Fifty Years of Work and Play (London, 1934).Google Scholar
71 Ibid., p. 88.
72 Modern Building Record, 3 (1912), pp. 300–02. The contractor was George Hart.
73 Modern Building Record, 4 (1913), pp. 76–79.
74 For Wickham Bishops, see Crittall, Ariel, ‘The Story of the Crittall Family’, in Blake, David J., Window Vision (1989), p. 180 Google Scholar. This is presumably the house illustrated in Duncan, Country Cottages, pp. 132 and 167. Crittall’s house was at the other end of the New London Road (at the junction with Moulsham Street) and was built in association with the local firm of Charles and W. H. Pertwee in 1912. Information kindly supplied by James Bettley, derived from drawings in the Essex Record Office.
75 Crittall, , ‘The Story of the Crittall Family’, p. 182.Google Scholar
76 ‘In Memorium. Christine Elizabeth Crittall’, St Hugh’s College Chronicle (Oxford, 2005–06), pp. 81–83.
77 The other essays are ‘Architectural Furniture’, ‘Fireplaces’, ‘Kitchens and Sculleries’, ‘The Bathroom’ and ‘Hard Courts for Lawn Tennis’.
78 Quennell, C. H. B., ‘The Case for Modern Furniture’, in The House and its Equipment, ed. Weaver, Lawrence (London, 1912), p. 56.Google Scholar
79 Quennell, C. H. B., ‘The Case for Modern Furniture’, pp. 59–60.Google Scholar
80 Ibid., p. 59.
81 Hunter, Edwardian Fiction.
82 Quennell, C. H. B., ‘Kitchens and Sculleries’, in Weaver, , The House and its Equipment, pp. 89–90.Google Scholar
83 Ibid., p. 90.
84 Searle, G. R., The Quest for National Efficiency (Oxford, 1971), p. 193.Google Scholar
85 Hunter, , Edwardian Fiction, p. 236.Google Scholar
86 Maier, Charles S., ‘Between Taylorism and Technocracy: European Ideologies and the Vision of Industrial Productivity in the 1920’s’, Journal of Contemporary History, 5:2 (1970), pp. 27–61 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Le Corbusier, for example, only became interested in Taylor’s ideas once the War had begun: McLeod, Mary, ‘“Architecture or Revolution”: Taylorism, Technocracy and Social Change’, Art Journal, 43/:2 (1983), pp. 132–47.Google Scholar
87 ‘Obituary’, Journal of the RIBA, 21 December 1935, pp. 211–12.
88 Quennell, P., The Marble Foot, p. 21.Google Scholar
89 Weaver, Lawrence, Small Country Houses of Today (London, 1911), p. 133.Google Scholar
90 Weaver, Lawrence, ‘The Children’s Attic’, in Weaver, , The House and its Equipment, pp. 50–51.Google Scholar
91 Weaver, , ‘The Children’s Attic’, p. 51.Google Scholar
92 Architectural Review, 39 (1916), pp. 64 and 78–79.
93 The standard account is Swenarton, Mark, Homes Fit for Heroes: The Politics and Architecture of Early State Housing in Britain (London, 1981)Google Scholar.
94 C. H. B. Quennell review of Ramsey, Stanley, ‘Small Houses of the Late Georgian Period 1750–1820’, Architectural Review, 46 (August 1919), pp. 49–51.Google Scholar
95 C. H. B. Quennell review of Ramsey, p. 51.
96 Charles Reilly and the Liverpool School of Architecture, 1904–33 (Liverpool, 1996).
97 Swenarton, Homes Fit for Heroes, p. 17.
98 Ibid., p. 63.
99 ‘Standardization and the Eighteenth Century’, Architectural Review, 43 (June 1918), ‘Notes of the Month’, p. xx.
100 Adshead, as quoted in Swenarton, Homes Fit for Heroes, p. 64.
101 Pepper, Simon and Swenarton, Mark, ‘Neo-Georgian Maison Type’, Architectural Review, 1002 (August 1980), pp. 87–92.Google Scholar
102 Quennell, C. H. B., review of Gotch, J. Alfred, ‘The English Home from Charles 1 to George IV’, Architectural Review, 44 (October 1918), pp. 82–84.Google Scholar
103 C. H. B. Quennell, review of Gotch, p. 84.
104 Quennells, , Everyday Things, 1066–1499, 1 (London, 1918), 1948 edn, Introduction, p. vii.Google Scholar
105 Julian Holder points out the prevalence and resonances of the term ‘everyday life’ or ‘everyday things’ in the period; see Holder, ‘Design in Everyday Things’, particularly pp. 124–26. The examples given in the relevant footnote mainly date from the 1930s and 1940s (p. 136, n. 9).
106 For more on Batsfords, see A Batsford Century 1843–1943, ed. Hector Bolitho (London, 1943).
107 See Houfe, Simon, Powers, Alan and Wilton-Ely, John, Sir Albert Richardson, 1880–1964 (London, 1999), p. 36.Google Scholar
108 P. Quennell, The Marble Foot, p. 86.
109 Hiorns, F. R., ‘Everyday Things in Britain: Mr and Mrs Quennell’s Holiday Lectures to Children’, Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects, 35 (14 January 1925), p. 148 Google Scholar; The Times, 5 January 1928, p. 10.
110 Roscoe, Frank, Late Secretary of the Royal Society of Teachers, A Note on the Methods and Influence of CHB and Marjorie Quennell on History Teaching in Schools (n.p., 1936)Google Scholar.
111 The Times, Anonymous review, ‘“Everyday Things”: The Man and the Machine’, 8 December 1933, p. 19.
112 Quennells, , Everyday Things, 1500–1799, 2 (London, 1919), 1960 edn, Preface, p. ix.Google Scholar
113 Times Literary Supplement, 15 December 1921, letter from C. H. B. Quennell, ‘On Imagination in Children’, p. 844.
114 P. Quennell, The Marble Foot, p. 84.
115 Ibid., p. 81.
116 Quennells, Everyday Things, 1733–1851, 3 (1933), 1961 edn, Preface.
117 Ibid., pp. 5–6.
118 Quennells, Everyday Things, 2, Preface, p. xi.
119 The Times, 22 November 1929, p. 15; see also his Obituaries in The Times, The Builder, and The Architects’ Journal (for details see n. 7).]
120 The Times, Obituary.
121 Burton, Neil, The Ceffrye Almshouses (London, 1979).Google Scholar
122 The Quennells do not seem to, have been involved with the original campaign to establish the Museum. Their names do not appear in the Petition presented by ‘persons especially interested in the Education of Craftsmen in the various art industries of the Country’. Burton, The Geffrye, pp. 67 and 71.
123 Quennell, M., ‘The Geffrye Museum, Kingsland Road, E.’, Apollo, 27 (January 1938), pp. 11–14.Google Scholar
124 The Times, 21 March 1939, p. 56.
125 Ibid. In 1936 470 children attended, 2,100 in 1937 and 12,500 in 1938 in organized groups; plus those visiting individually, estimated at 10,000 in 1938, with a total attendance of 41,000 in that year.
126 The Times, 10 November 1937, p. 11.
127 Quennell, M., ‘The Geffrye’, p. 11.Google Scholar
128 Quennell, C. H. B., ‘Preparing for Peace’, The Architects’ and Builders’ Journal, 47 (1918), pp. 26–27, 46–47, 69–70, 89–90, 112–13 and 140–41.Google Scholar
129 See Swenarton, Mark, Artisans and Architects: The Ruskinian Tradition in Architectural Thought (Basingstoke, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ch. 6, ‘A. J. Penty and the Building Guilds’, pp. 167–88.
130 Quennell, C. H. B., ‘Preparing for Peace’, p. 69.Google Scholar
131 Ibid., p. 70.
132 Ibid., ,pp. 70, 89–90, and 140–41.
133 See Crosby, Tony, ‘Silver End Model Village for Crittall Manufacturing Co Ltd’, Industrial Archaeology Review, 20 (1998), pp. 69–82 Google Scholar, which includes details of the earlier Clockhouse Way scheme; and Crittall, Fifty Years.
134 On model villages, see Darley, Gillian, Villages of Vision (London, 1975)Google Scholar; ch. 14 includes Silver End but not the Clockhouse Way Estate.
135 Thurgood, , ‘Silver End Garden Village’, p. 36.Google Scholar
136 Swenarton, , Homes Fit for Heroes, ch. 5.Google Scholar
137 See Daniels, F. S., Particulars of The Freehold Estate Known as The Clockhouse Estate, Cressing Road (1948)Google Scholar. Kindly supplied by the National Monuments Record.
138 Crittall, , Fifty Years, pp. 127–28.Google Scholar
139 Phillips, R. Randal, ‘Unit Concrete Cottages’, Country Life, 8 November 1919, pp. 599–600 Google Scholar. I am grateful to Julian Holder for this reference.
140 See Weaver, Lawrence, The ‘Country Life’ Book of Cottages, 2nd edn (London, 1919), pp. 54–58 and 151–52.Google Scholar
141 Ibid., p. 52.
142 Ibid., pp. 53–54.
143 ‘Concrete Building on the Unit Principle’, Architectural Review, 45 (1919), p. 66.
144 Quennell, C. H. B., Studio Yearbook, p. 13.Google Scholar
145 Gould, ‘Modern Houses’, p. 10.
146 The fullest account of Walter is by his daughter-in-law, Ariel Crittall: ‘The Crittall Family’, n. 72.
147 Cleminson, Anthony, ‘Silver End Beginnings’, The Architectural Review, 1046 (1979), pp. 271–304.Google Scholar
148 Blake, , Window Vision, p. 40.Google Scholar
149 Phillips, , ‘Unit Concrete Cottages’, p. 599.Google Scholar
150 ‘Obituary’, The Builder.
151 Phillips, , ‘Unit Concrete Cottages’, p. 599.Google Scholar
152 Quennell, C. H. B., ‘Preparing for Peace’, p. 89.Google Scholar
153 Crittall, , Fifty Years, p. 130 Google Scholar. Also see Crittall, W. F., ‘Silver End’, Design and Industries Association Journal, 13 (1930), pp. 8–10.Google Scholar
154 Crittall, , Fifty Years, p. 146.Google Scholar
155 Crittall, , Fifty Years: on Silver End, see pp. 121, 127–31 and 142–48 Google Scholar; for Braintree, see pp. 127–28. The Clockhouse Way estate was sold off by the company in 1948; see Daniels, Particulars.
156 Crittall, , Fifty Years, p. 143.Google Scholar
157 Ibid., p. 130.
158 Quennnell, C. H. B., Modern Suburban Houses, Preface.Google Scholar
159 Crittall, Fifty Years, p. 131.
160 I am grateful once again to James Bettley for informing me of the existence of this terrace.
161 Similar smaller houses can be found on the Denewood Estate, Highgate, which look significantly less Palladian where they retain their red brickwork unadulterated.
162 Carrington, Industrial Design, p. 121.
163 Pevsner, Nikolaus, Buildings of England: Essex (London, 1965), p. 52 Google Scholar. He does not mention Aymas Connell’s High and Over, of 1926.
164 Quennell designed at least one other house in the road although there is some confusion as to which one. Cherry and Pevsner in Buildings of England. London 4: North, p. 229, has it as number 13, but as this is of the late 1930s it rules out Quennell’s direct involvement (he died in 1935). A more likely candidate is number 14, cited by Alastair Service in Victorian and Edwardian Hampstead, p. 38. This is an earlier red brick essay on the small studio house and makes an interesting comparison with number 18.
165 For example in C. H. B. Quennnell, ‘British Domestic Architecture’, Quennell categorized Palladio’s two great sins as: 1. standardization which led to a lack of spontaneity 2. use of stucco in imitation of stone (p. 6). The beginnings of a renewed interest in Palladio can be traced in publications such as Bannister Fletcher’s Andrea Palladio: his Life and Works (London, 1902) or Reginald Blomfield’s essay ‘Andrea Palladio’ in his Studies in Architecture (London, 1905). However, Blomfield is highly critical of Palladio and especially of his legacy in England. His review of Bannister Fletcher’s book is interesting for his thoughts on Palladio’s relevance for contemporary architecture: Architectural Review, 13 (April 1903), pp. 126–39. For Fletcher’s response, see Architectural Review, 13 (May 1903), p. 326.
166 On interpretations of Palladianism in the 1930s, see Pavitt, Jane, ‘The Georgians and the Moderns: Preservation and Modernism in Britain in the 1930s’ (unpublished MA Thesis, Royal College of Art, 1991)Google Scholar; McKellar, Elizabeth, ‘Popularism Versus Professionalism: John Summerson and the Twentieth-Century Creation of the “Georgian”’, in Articulating British Classicism: New Approaches to Eighteenth-Century Architecture, ed. Arciszewska, Barbara and McKellar, Elizabeth (Aldershot and Burlington, Vermont, 2004), pp. 35–56.Google Scholar
167 Another book was published posthumously co-written with Quennell, Peter: Somerset, Shell Guide (London, 1938)Google Scholar.
168 Other works which rely on similar visual comparisons include Summerson, John and Williams-Ellis, Clough, Architecture Here and Now (London, 1934), and Bertram, Anthony, Design (London, 1938).Google Scholar
169 Quennells, , The Good New Days, pp. 63–65.Google Scholar
170 Miele, Chris, ‘Art or Craft: Morris & Co Revisited’, Victorian Society Annual Report (1996), pp. 15–20.Google Scholar