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St Hugh’s Church at Lincoln

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 April 2016

John Baily
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Extract

So much has been said on the subject, at various times, and in various forms that I may seem adventurous in presenting myself before you with a paper on the Architectural History of Lincoln Minster. I should not do so, however, unless I hoped to throw some new or at least clearer light on part, at least, of the subject.

With these words George Poole commenced his paper to the Lincoln Diocesan Architectural Society in May 1857. He expressed a hope that has been repeated throughout the intervening years in a flow of papers attempting to explain a work of quite astonishing individuality, spacial invention and surface richness. A work that does not slot into the neat progression of stylistic development which, as Peter Kidson has recently pointed out, is ‘an intolerable state of affairs of tidy-minded art historians’. For this reason, perhaps, the pressure of cultural attitudes upon successive authors is noticeable. Not only has it coloured their understanding of the building’s history, but no doubt it also colours our own, and weights our judgement. This review, therefore, is firstly a study of approach, and secondly a statement of current thinking.

Type
Research Article
Information
Architectural History , Volume 34 , 1991 , pp. 1 - 35
Copyright
Copyright © Society of Architectural Historians of Great Britain 1991

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References

Notes

Abbreviations

AAS

Associated Architectural Societies Report and Papers

BAACT

British Archaeological Association Conference Transactions

JRIBA

Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects

1 Poole, G. A., ‘The Architectural History of Lincoln Minster’, paper read at the Public Meeting of the Lincoln Diocesan Architectural Society held at Lincoln, 26 May 1857 and printed in ASS, vol. IV pt 1 (1857), pp. 9–48 Google Scholar. This is a good general history, with a useful Appendix of early references to the bishops of Lincoln. Poole also wrote a paper ‘On the Comparative Merits of the Vault, the Flat Ceiling, and the Open Roof’ in AAS, vol. II (1852), pp. 381-94 which may have influenced the later writings of Bond and Watkins and Folke Nordstrom.

2 Kidson, P., ‘St Hugh’s Choir’ in BAACT, vol. VIII (1986), p. 37 Google Scholar.

3 See Pevsner, N. and Harris, J., The Buildings of England series, Lincolnshire, 2nd ed. (1989), pp. 444-82Google Scholar for a description of the Norman cathedral that was largely demolished to make way for the present structure, and for a general history.

4 See John Le Neve, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066-1300, III: Lincoln rev. ed. comp. Greenway, D. E. (London, 1977), pp. 9, 112Google Scholar. Hamo first occurs as dean 1189/90 and last 1195. He was succeeded by Roger de Rolleston c. 1195-1223. When Hugh arrived Richard Fitz Neal was dean, his nomination as bishop of Lincoln was rejected by the King in 1186 in favour of Hugh. That no work occurred on the new building until Fitz Neal left Lincoln (as bishop of London) in 1189 may well have its cause in an awkward relationship between Hugh and Fitz Neal. It is a strong probability that Hamo was Hugh’s nephew.

5 The juxtaposition of dates is again interesting. Henry de Lexington became bishop in 1254 and Richard de Gravesend was appointed dean the same year. He went on to become bishop in 1258.

6 Venables, E., ‘The recent discovery of the foundations of the apse of St Hugh’s Cathedral at Lincoln’ in AAS, vol XVIII;1886), pp. 87–95 Google Scholar, also in Archaeological Journal, vol. XLIV 1887), pp. 194-202. The shape of the apse was discovered by John Carter in 1791, a copy of his drawing is in Poole, AAS, vol IV (1857), p. 21. Essex, James shows the apse as a simple semicircle in ‘Some observations on Lincoln Cathedral’, Archaeologia, vol. IV (1786), p. 150 Google Scholar.

7 There are two dates given for the fall of the tower, 1237 (the Chronicle of Peterborough) and 1239 (the Annals of Dunstable and the Chronicle of Matthew Paris).

8 So called because similar piers are found in Trondheim Cathedral. There were contacts between the two cathedrals, and Lincoln masons worked at Trondheim c. 1210.

9 Frankl, P., ‘The ‘Crazy’ vaults of Lincoln Cathedral’, Art Bulletin, vol. XXXV (1953), p. 95 Google Scholar.

10 Crook, J. Mordaunt, The Dilemma of Style (1989), p. 53 Google Scholar.

11 Rickman’s use of a Gazetteer was influential as this based his views on observations of existing buildings. The influence of the Attempt was profound, especially prior to the Ecclesiological Movement, with architect, critic and client ‘living in the era of Rickman’, see J. Macaulay, The Gothic Revival 1741-1845, p. 114 and passim. Rickman made a solid profit from the Attempt from 1818 onwards, and especially after the 2nd edition was published in 1819.

12 Crook, The Dilemma of Style, pp. 53 and 119.

13 Pugin, A. W. N., The Present State of Ecclesiastical Architecture in England (1843), p. 108 Google Scholar, cited in Crook, p. 52.

14 Parker, J. H., ‘Architectural History of St Hugh’s Choir in Lincoln Cathedral’, Archaologia, vol. XLVII (1883)Google Scholar. Parker was more cautious in his edition of Rickman’s Attempt of 1881, in which he does not mention a flat roof but simply states that the vault ‘was either added or rebuilt after the fall of the tower’.

15 The questioning of original vaults ignores references in The Metrical Life, written c. 1225 (see Garton, C., trans., The Metrical Life of St Hugh of Lincoln (Lincoln Cathedral Library Publications, 1986))Google Scholar. The vault ‘spread broad wings and like a flying creature jostles the clouds, while yet resting upon its solid pillars’ (863-65) and later the walls and roof are described as ‘hewn white stone’ (914). Scott, George Gilbert referred to this evidence, AAS, vol. XII, pt 2 (1873), p. 193 Google Scholar and quotes Sir Gilbert Scott that ‘St Hugh’s great work may be supposed to be on the very crest of the wave of progress, and accordingly, we find its transept to have been vaulted, and its choir designed in strict conformity with it’.

16 SirScott, G. G., ‘Some notes of an Examination of the Architecture to the Choir of Lincoln Cathedral, with a view to determining the Chronology of St Hugh’s work’ communicated by Precentor Venables, AAS, vol. XII, pt 2 (1873), pp. 186-93Google Scholar.

17 F. Bond and W. Watkins, ‘Notes on the Architectural History of Lincoln Minster from 1192-1255’ JRIBA, 26 November and 10 December 1910, and 27 May 1911 (W. Watkins).

18 J. Bilson, ‘Lincoln Cathedral: The New Reading’, JRIBA, 6 May 1911 and 17 June 1911. Others involved in the correspondence were Codd (21 Jan.), Lethaby (4 Feb.), and Nicholson (1 April). Bond and Watkins replied to Bilson on 27 May 1911 and 29 July 1911.

19 Paul Frankl, ‘The Crazy Vaults ... ‘, p. 96. Between Bilson and Frankl others had supported Francis Bond’s flat timber ceiling theory, including G. H. Cook The Portait of Lincoln Cathedral (1950). Scott’s view that the vaults were original was followed by C. H. Moore, The Medieval Church Architecture of England (1912).

20 Nordstrom, F., ‘Peterborough, Lincoln and the Science of Robert Grosseteste: A Study in Thirteenth Century Architecture and Iconography’, Art Bulletin, vol. XXXVII (1956), p. 241 Google Scholar.

21 Binnell, P., ‘Notes on the Medieval altars and chapels in Lincoln Cathedral’, Antiquaries Journal, vol. XLII pt 1 (1966), p. 72 Google Scholar, gives c. 1215-23 as the date for the chapel of St Denys in the main north transept, and the rose window is referred to in the Metrical Life (935-40) written c. 1225.

22 Frankl, P., ‘Lincoln Cathedral’, Art Bulletin, vol. XLIV (1962), p. 34 Google Scholar.

23 N. Pevsner, The Choir of Lincoln Cathedral (Charlton Lectures on Art, 1963). This forms the basis for Pevsner’s entry on the cathedral in The Buildings of England, Lincolnshire (1964, revised 2nd edition by N. Antram 1989).

24 Quoted in Sir G. G. Scott, ‘Some notes ...’, p. 187. Viollet-le-Duc objected to the nationality of the ’madman’. Whilst recognizing a tendency to originality in the Lincoln Master’s work, he points out that ‘the construction is English, the profiles of the mouldings are English, the ornaments are English, and the execution of the work belongs to the English School of Workmen’, Gentleman’s Magazine vol. 131, Jan/June 1861, p. 551.

25 Kidson, P.. ‘St Hugh’s Choir’, BAACT (1982), pp. 29–42 Google Scholar.

26 Foot, N. D. J., Litton, C. D., and Simpson, W. G., ‘The High Roof of the East End of Lincoln Cathedral’, BAACT (1982), pp. 47–74 Google Scholar.

27 Information from Gavin Simpson, to be published in The Archaeology of Cathedrals, ed. T. Tatton-Brown.

28 Stocker, D., ‘The Mystery of the Shrines of St Hugh’ in St Hugh of Lincoln, ed. Mayr-Harting, H. (1987), pp. 89–124 Google Scholar.

29 Douie, D. L. and Farmer, H., eds, Magna Vitae Sainti Hugonis, vol. II (1962), Ch. XX, p. 232 Google Scholar.

30 An illustration of this proposal can also be seen in The Builidings of England, Lincolnshire, 2nd ed., p. 451. It is worth noting that Peter Binnell, ‘Notes on the Medieval Altars ... ‘, p. 73, questioned Venables’ proposal that the chapel was extended, as he saw no architectural or documentary evidence for this, suggesting it was built originally in the extended form (E. Venables, ‘The Shrine and Head of St Hugh’, AAS (1892). If so, this could have been a Lady Chapel as at Ely and Peterborough.

31 Baily, J., Some Preliminary Observations on the History of Lincoln Minster in the years 1194-1255 (Leeds School of Architecture, 1970)Google Scholar; idem., The Struggle and the Light: the Built Legacy of St Hugh (The Grosseteste lecture, Lincoln Cathedral, 1985).

32 Knoop, D. and Jones, P. G., The Medieval Mason (1933), pp. 27–35 Google Scholar, and generally. Lincoln had a Guild of Masons, founded in 1313 (p.151). See also Salzman, L. F., Building in England down to 1540 (1952), Ch. II, pp. 30–67 Google Scholar.

33 Ibid., p. 134. See also R. Leach, An Investigation into the use of Purbeck marble in Medieval England (1978, privately printed), who cites purbeck at Durham Cathedral c. 1170, possibly Faversham Abbey c. 1150 and Canterbury Cathedral before 1174 (pp. 3-7).

34 The Magna Vita (p. 189) names Geoffrey de Noiers as the Chief Mason, who was at Hugh’s death bed in London, and was instructed by Hugh to complete the adornment of the altar of St John the Baptist in time for the General Council to be held in Lincoln that year. J. Harvey, English Medieval Architects (1984) prefers the claim of Richard the Mason, but he is reported only as holding land near the cathedral (D & C, Dii, 79/2/16, cited in F. Hill, Medieval Lincoln p. 113n).

35 Fitchen, J., Building Construction before Mechanisation (1986), p. 147 Google Scholar on the close relationship between Master Mason and Master Carpenter; idem., The Construction of Gothic Cathedrals (1961), Ch. 4, for a general description of the carpenter’s role.

36 This method of construction can be found in various places in the cathedral such as the Chapter House staircase turret gablets. It is likely they were part of a constructional system whereby lancets were built into the wall open and then filled, presumably in an attempt to divert and lighten the vertical loads and to give greater strength to the wall. In places they are directly related to the construction of external blind arcading, but the two features do not line up in the choir.

37 Tower collapses were very common, see L. F. Salzman, Building in England pp. 25–26. The suggestion of towers is in Venables, Archaeological Journal (1875), pp. 83-87.

38 Metrical Life, 922-23: ‘The white hewn stone signifies the pure and wise: the whiteness is modesty and the hewing is doctrine; also 839-40: ‘Many a time (Hugh) carried the hewn stones in a kind of hod’.

39 See Kidson, P., Murray, P. and Thompson, P., A History of English Architecture (1965), p. 77 Google Scholar. Another possibility to be considered is that the Master may have intended a tower, in the manner of Laon, over the eastern crossing but found that the structure of the piers was too insubstantial to support it.

40 Pevsner, N. The Buildings of England, Worcestershire (1968), p. 240 Google Scholar.

41 For evidence of the Roman wall and ditch and their relation to St Hugh’s church see Stocker, D., ‘Excavations to the South of Lincoln Minster 1984 and 1985 — An Interim Report’, in Lincolnshire History and Archaeology, vol. 20 (1985), pp. 15–19 Google Scholar.

42 Some, including Nordstrom (pp. 263-64) have suggested that capitulum refers to the head, or eastern end of the church, and that De Capitulo refers to the chevet. See G. A. Poole, (‘The Architectural History of Lincoln Minster’, p. 28) for argument. There seems however no reason why the Metrical Life (956) should not be referring to the Chapter house.

43 So proposed in a personal note to the author from Canon P. Binnell in 1975. See also P. Binnell, ‘Notes on the Medieval Altars . ..’, p. 74.

44 Douie and Farmer, Magna Vita, p. 192.

45 Wilson, C., The Gothic Cathedral (1990), p. 166 Google Scholar comments that the cost of a bay at Lincoln was equal to a bay at Amiens that was half as high again. Mark, R., Experiments in Gothic Structure (1982, rev. ed. 1984), p. 81 Google Scholar comments that this may have been because the French were ‘far ahead from the technical point of view’. Wilson (p. 169) characterizes the English as ‘excessively individualistic, factious and anti-authoritarian’.